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Identity, memory, and heritage are interactive socio-cultural processes within a community. Folklore, and the existence and maintenance of rituals, legends, and other traditions are also interactive socio-cultural processes within a community. Personal narratives of survivors, bereaved kin, etc.

These traditions contribute to archaeological analysis not as directly as data or fact, but as processes to be analyzed and understood Layton Mnemonic communities introduce and familiarize new members to their collective past, ensuring that they attain an expected social identity by identifying with the history of the group Misztal Through group interactions, the materials for memories are provided, and individuals are influenced into recalling certain events and forgetting others; groups are also able to produce multi-generational memories in individuals, influencing the remembering of that which was not experienced in any direct sense Olick and Robbins Through this process it is clear to see heritage is not just the passing down of material objects, but also the memory and meaning associated with associated with these heirlooms.

Mnemonic Landscapes and Objects: Monuments, Memorials and Memorabilia Although the study of memory is a challenging endeavor, archaeologists can contribute to this discourse through studying the materiality of memory and gaining further insight into how landscapes, monuments, and mnemonic devices influence the development and maintenance of memory within a community Giuliano ; Hayes Social memory is transmitted and maintained via inscribing practices placing monuments, markers or other spatial mnemonics on the landscape as well as through incorporating practices rituals Connerton Memory is transferred between individuals through incorporating practices bodily activities , that take place in the present e.

Inscribed practices differ, in that they act to store, or preserve, information which will later be retrieved e. Through the constant reenactment of ritual, individuals and groups perform acts, thereby acting as agents that re present social memory and thus allowing the subject of the ritual to be remembered. Structure and agency are incorporated into the concept of phenomenology of landscape by Pierre Bourdieu through his concept of habitus; his perspective is that socially constructed perceptions of what is normal are constructed over time and transmitted via social interactions through within socially constructed physical surroundings.

Landscapes are shaped by the experiences of the preceding generation and carry the marks of previous events. These sites and other mnemonic objects aid individuals in memory recall by grounding memories of the past in places and things. Monuments we see and interact with throughout the landscape root specific history and memory of the past in the present, and designate what mnemonic groups commemorate as their heritage Shackel Monuments structures created to commemorate a person or important event , memorials objects which serve as a focus for the memory of a person or event , grave markers the most common type of memorial , and memorabilia objects kept because of their association with memorable people or events are all forms of mnemonics.

Portable relics and memorabilia i. Mnemonics are meant to aid in memory recall. How individuals and groups interact with mnemonics can be studied as a socio-cultural process. Mnemonic devices can be large or small; any object can bear meaning and knowledge intended to be remembered and retrieved in future Hallam and Hockey Forgetting: Out of Sight, Out of Mind Memory, whether individual or collective, is re constructed in the logic of remembering and forgetting.

Studying what has been forgotten is difficult; however, how and why forgetting happens can be revealed through an analysis of the construction of identity, memory, and heritage within a community. Memory manifested through gaps or silences omissions in historical records generally result from acts of political and economic power Brundage An African American counter-memory has emerged since the s, challenging earlier narratives associated with enslavement, and we all benefit from the telling, memorializing, and remembering of a more inclusive history of our shared past Shackel During the centuries of colonialism, recorded history was almost exclusively told from the perspective of conquerors and other power elites.

Landscapes can also be used to hide the past, or make people forget, through deliberate actions of destruction Holtorf and Williams Therefore, the past is always present within the landscape; however, certain elements are visible while others might be dispersed, distributed, or suppressed. While forgetting can be deliberate, it is often more subtle, and closely tied to remembering.

In landscapes where people have faced death, war, migration or some other form of tragedy that, over time, become absent from the landscape, memory can be easily forgotten; however, select memories might still exist in the form of portable artifacts songs, stories, folk beliefs, and ritual performances in lieu of being invested in physical traces monuments Holtorf and Williams What will be remembered and preserved, or repressed and forgotten, is a highly political act Natzmer How people view the past and the dead is constantly changing, but always governed by certain agendas and by the interests of the people involved.

Control of collective public memory is often related to power, and both individuals and groups struggle over what certain memories will mean when an official memory is imposed by the power elite Teski and Climo Various types of power exist; Eric Wolf has identified four modes of power: 1 power as the attribute capability or potency of a person; 2 power as the ability of a person to impose their will upon another; 3 power that controls social settings; and 4 structural power which designates social labor Wolf The context of how power is used in relationship to the formation of public memory heritage speaks to the complexity of the use of power.

Both political and economic factors influence what will be preserved, restored, documented, or not. That which binds these societal decisions also influences the symbols and social meanings that are crucial components in the formation of identities and collective memories. Identity shapes ones notion of self and other, and heavily influences how societies perceive and interact with one another Anheier and Raj Isar Understanding what parts of the past are remembered, and how they are remembered and interpreted, provides insight into how public memory develops.

As public memory of heritage is established, there is the potential for the forgetting and excluding of certain alternative pasts; the study of heritage public memory formation and the politics of memory are currently the focus of most of the memory and heritage projects taking place within historical archaeology.

What gets remembered and why, in the formation and maintenance of heritage, has also become of primary interest to historical archaeologists Stritch Memorialization after Disaster: Catastrophe as a Social Process The development of heritage is vital to the survival of communities displaced by catastrophe Oliver-Smith The potential for disasters exists in any environment where a human population and a natural, modified, or constructed feature, that holds the potential to be a destructive agent, come into contact Oliver-Smith and Hoffman Disasters, such as floods, are social processes as well as critical events; as such, they are both objective and subjective phenomena which can act to reveal underlying political, economic, and social forces at play within a given culture.

Disasters are often thought of as events to be remembered Ullberg The same is true of the victims of disasters. Learning from and remembering past disasters increases human capacity to cope with comparable future events by enabling communities to make adaptations that decrease vulnerability while increasing resilience Ullberg Searching for and identifying the dead following catastrophe is a physical and emotional activity.

In context to disaster, this activity is as much a physical activity, as emotion one. Finding, identifying, and officially disposing of the dead is all symbolic activity. Beyond the practical necessity of dealing with the dead following disaster, body recovery and management is a process of personalization, reflecting societal belief that victims be treated as persons, not bodies Blanshan and Quarantelli Formal memorial services provide a forum for survivors to come together a publicly grieve with others while also reestablishing connections to space and place.

The location, level of formality, and context of memorial services represent the scale and significance of loss Eyre Anniversary events mark the passage of time chronologically and socially, and allow for the reassessment of progress towards rehabilitation and recovery. The placing of permanent memorials functions on personal and collective levels, and provides insight into the social testimony assigned to events of the past.

Survivors and their kin are key stakeholders in the planning, design, and development of permanent forms of commemoration. However, as more individuals are involved in the consultation process, there is a higher likelihood for disagreement, which can ultimately impact whether memorialization takes place. Different stakeholders will have very different views, and memories, regarding the history of their community; some might hold concerns that their perspectives of the past will not be respected.

It can be challenging to find ways for community members to endorse or even contribute to a project. Posting project related information on the Internet, archaeological and otherwise e. This sort of forum allows for researchers to present their interpretations, especially those that might directly challenge family narratives and public memory of place Shackel Sharing a broad array of data allows observers to connect with their potential areas of interest, and increases the likelihood of feedback about how the project is viewed.

Various stakeholders in a project, archaeologists and community members alike, can influence how the other views and interprets the past. Paul Shackel has used Harpers Ferry, West Virginia as a site to illustrate the many ways in which heritage has been used as means to structure memory and tradition. The historical memory at Harpers Ferry was built around events related to the Civil War and great men associated with the time period.

Since the heritage plan was put in place during Jim Crow separatism, other histories, such as those of African Americans, were completely ignored omitted. In this case study, Shackel develops a series of counter-memories by focusing his research on the history of African Americans at Harpers Ferry.

In her fieldwork concerning 18th century clearances in the Scottish Highlands, Sian Jones adopted an approach similar to that of Shackel. Excavation, as a means to unearthing hidden or silenced histories, works to collapse the difference between the present and past allowing individuals to shuttle between the past and present as they remember.

Excavation in public places, where a community can witness the past being materialized, allows the items being excavated to act as powerful memory props. Once excavated, monuments and ruins can then become the focus of homecoming tourism, further allowing these historical landscapes to act as mnemonic devices.

In her identification of post memory, Jones highlights the realization that heritage sites, museums, and popular history mediate the fragmented narratives passed from generation to generation. Specifically related to memories of painful traumatic pasts, Jones points out several questions archaeologists should consider concerning the politics behind the production and negotiation of memory: 1 how memories of painful or traumatic pasts are transmitted between generations, 2 how these memories frame current understandings of circumstances 3 what purposes and interests do these forms of memory service, and 4 how are archaeological remains, and the work of archaeologists, involved in this process Jones ?

Several studies of social memory, identity and death have recently been undertaken, incorporating analyses of mortuary practices and cemeteries Cannon ; Chesson ; Daroczi ; Holtorf and Williams Funerary landscapes mortuary practices and their materializations provide a space where mourning occurs, where social memories are created and re created , and where individuals assert their individual identities as well as group memberships Daroczi Social memory is formed during mortuary rituals; these rituals are also forums for the creation and negotiation of identity.

Cemeteries are visible expressions of the stability and identity of a community, they reflect the attitudes and preferences of the group supporting them, and they allow the dead to retain a place in the memories of the living; memory, therefore, is created and maintained by their placement in space Branigan ; Cannon Grave markers within a cemetery, and cemeteries within a community, are spatial metaphors mnemonics that create, maintain and modify social memory Fentress and Wickham Cheryl Natzmer discusses the ownership of memory and the idea that history is shaped by both told and forgotten stories.

According to Natzmer, the struggle over ownership of memory is especially intense in societies recovering from conflict, terrorism and disaster. Natzmer presents a model for constructing and reconstructing the past which incorporates and makes sense of the memories and that which is forgotten of all sides involved in the history within a landscape Natzmer In this case of the Chilean National Cemetery, black iron crosses mark the mass graves of unidentified; the graves of those that are still missing are marked with cenotaphs, the graves just waiting for their intended occupants to be found.

According to Natzmer, these memorials serve as a physical space for individuals to come together to remember and mourn for those that were lost, and those that are missing and have not had their bodies recovered. Just as public monuments and grave markers act as mnemonic devices by stimulating memory, the purposeful destruction of monuments and historical sites influences processes of remembering and forgetting.

Eradicating monuments and sites acts to disable negative memory conjured by a site and sets the stage for the creation of new, positive memories Forty and Kuchler These approaches, echoed by other recent research Kuchler ; Rowlands , provide a useful framework for studying the intersection between monuments, memory, and landscape. As it directly applies to this research topic though, it is interesting to note that relatively few case studies exist.

None the less, this review of the broader theoretical ramifications involved in how memory is constructed and materializes within a landscape highlights several issues in addressing the complex process of commemoration.

For a historical archaeology project effective, a research methodology must be employed that embraces both anthropological and historical perspectives and synthesizes archaeological and historical data in a constructive manner Deetz Utilizing two different data bases, historical documents and material culture, permits the juxtaposition of several sets of data that are of anthropological and historical value. The data sets used in this analysis were created from information provided in historical documents identified in local archives, from archaeological data documented during fieldwork, and through contact with various stakeholders.

The following is a description of how I went about identifying and collecting the data that I have synthesized and used to make historical and interpretive claims presented in the remaining sections of this thesis. Archival and Background Research Historical research was completed in Los Angeles and Ventura counties as well as Online to locate disaster related memorials, documents and ephemera. In most cases, each location held material unique to their community and unavailable in any other archive.

Francis Dam construction, use and failure, Power Plant No. These sources proved helpful in compiling lists of the dead and locating their burial locations. The recording process consisted of digitally capturing and converting documents into searchable portable document files PDFs. Some documents were photographed to limit risk of damage to the original, while others were in excellent condition and able to be safely placed on a flat-bed scanner.

Historical photographs, including the post mortem images taken at each of the make-shift morgues, were either photographed or scanned when they were not otherwise available through digital resources, such as the Department of Water and Power Photo Archive made available Online through the Los Angeles Public Library website. Several large maps of the Power Plant No. All of these files have been archived on portable storage devices and comprise some 37 GBs of data.

In the fall of I made an initial visit with Dr. During this visit we were able to quickly determine that sufficient data was present in the Claims Records to warrant digitization efforts and focused study. The files selected to be digitized were chosen because their contents held information directly related to the recovery and subsequent burial of identified and unidentified victims, as well as information on those reported missing.

WP ; WP Photographs and negatives documenting the dam site and property damage along the mile flood zone, and card files, which were used for indexing and logging the status of each claim, were also digitized.

A list of victims and associated data necessary to determine interment locations was compiled from several resources obtained at the DWP Records Center Table 4. Applicable documents within an individual claim file include the three page claim form Figure 4. See Appendix B for complete list of victims.

Francis Dam Disaster. I visited the location on two occasions, June 21, and June 5, and reviewed their holdings related to the disaster Table 4. The library has a variety of engineering and government reports which discuss why the dam was believed to have failed. Each of these items were reviewed and selectively digitized based on direct applicability. Francis Dam file and scrapbook included an extensive photograph collection, Ventura County Historical Society quarterlies, and clippings from Southern California newspapers, some of which highlight recent memorialization efforts Table 4.

Their collection also includes a large ephemera file poems, lyrics, and other miscellaneous items Table 4. Francis Dam Fife et. Grunsky Francis Dam Failure Jenkins Francis Dam sound recording LA Directory Francis Dam Failure Mulqueen Francis Dam Nance Francis Dam Ray Francis Dam Disaster Rippens Francis Dam Thomas Francis Dam Disaster, file of clippings from newspapers Wiley et al.

Francis Dam Willis Francis Dam Site Winfield Francis Dam Disaster Autochrome, Co. Francis Dam Freeman Memorial booklet St. Although it was helpful to review each of the archaeological site records for historic sites in the ANF boundaries, the two main documents most applicable in this research are the California State Historic Marker request, submitted in on the 50 year anniversary of the disaster, and Table 4. Francis Dam remains Kohut St. The nomination was subsequently returned to the ANF, and Heritage Resource Managers are currently completing the pending items so that the request can be resubmitted.

The expected timeline for resubmission is late Documents pertaining to the post Power Plant No. Los Angeles Central Library The main branch of the Los Angeles Public Library LAPL holds many of the preliminary engineering reports discussing causes for the failure and large ephemera file of newspaper clippings, historical society quarterlies, and academic articles relating to the disaster and the legacy of W. I visited the location on January 10, and reviewed all their holding related to the disaster Table 4.

I visited the library on August 21, and examined articles from March, April, and May of , as well as disaster related coverage on the first through third anniversary dates Table 4. No articles made mention of the disaster on the 4th and 5th anniversaries. As the paper was published weekly, it provided relatively limited coverage of the disaster itself, though local memorialization efforts and annual commemorative activities in the months following the disaster, as well as annual events, were well covered in the Society section.

Table 4. Hero Medal Presented. On the first visit I viewed the Beth Lomax Hawes Folklore Collection, in which was found and interview with the artist and sheet music and lyrics for a Spanish ballad written about the flood as a means to notify family members of the devastation. On my second visit I reviewed and selectively digitized records from the Catherine Mulholland Collection. The year anniversary of the Table 4. This collection includes W.

The library had the Herald available on microfilm, and the Independent was a bound copy of the original newspaper. I photographed individual articles directly from the microfilm reader screen and bound volume. The Fillmore Museum, visited on August 21, , has a small display about the disaster and an archives room, which holds local ephemera from the Fillmore area. In a box labeled Misc. Newspapers — St. Francis Dam Flood, I found a large number of clippings from various Southern California newspapers documenting the floods aftermath, as well as articles discussing commemorative events that have taken place over the years.

I chose not to digitize the articles from because I had already obtained many of these same articles at the Fillmore Library, and most the others were from the Los Angeles Times, which are available Online through ProQuest. All articles documenting commemorative activities were digitized, however, as they included photographs which fall under different copyright laws than text and are not available Online Table 4. In the California room, within the library, I found several pamphlets and other ephemera discussing past memorialization efforts, including the St.

Francis Dam Disaster Memories and Memorials project. A file of newspaper clippings included a collection of articles documenting commemorative activities on the 5th, 19th, 24th, 25th, and 70th anniversaries of the disaster. The California Oil Museum in Santa Paula has hosted several temporary exhibits on the disaster, which were well documented in the collection of clippings Table 4.

Francis Dam Disaster Each of these archives provided primary source documents, including the files used to adjudicate death claims, the records from each of the make-shift morgues, poems and songs, engineering reports, oral histories of survivors, and newspaper articles from to the present.

These resources proved to be invaluable when establishing a list of victims and leads on their possible burial locations, as well as understanding how the public narrative has developed over the years. There is also no shortage of resources available Online, relating to the disaster. These resources are too numerous to list in detail; however, several are well worth discussing. Contact was made with the leadership and members of each of these societies. The SCVHS has hosted annual talks about the dam site and given tours since , and has been instrumental in placing memorials at the dam site in and at LADWP power plant 2 in and The Fillmore Historical Society houses its historical records collection at the Fillmore Historical Museum; their disaster related archival holdings have previously been discussed.

The Santa Paula Historical Society maintains an archive of materials that have been donated to and collected by the society. Disaster related materials include photographs, oral history interviews with survivors and those involved in restoration efforts, and newspaper clippings.

The society has hosted talks about the failure, and has been instrumental in organizing disaster related exhibits at the California Oil Museum. Many of the dammies have organized community events commemorating the disaster, such as tours of the dam site, survivor reunions, museum exhibits; they also work with local media and generate articles and interest around the anniversary dates. CSUN graduate Julee Licon interviewed the presidents of each historical society, as well as multiple dammies, in support of this research Licon Field Research My fieldwork was predominately spread out throughout Los Angeles and southern Ventura counties, though a few cemeteries were also visited in Riverside, Orange, and San Bernardino counties.

Within the flood zone, fieldwork consisted of visiting each community looking for various forms of memorialization, as well as locating and documenting burials in cemeteries Figure 4. Six cemeteries were visited within the flood zone, 19 in the greater Los Angeles area, and 40 throughout the United States via Findagrave.

Much of the ephemeral and permanent forms of memorialization of the disaster were documented Table 4. Memorials were found through online research prior to Table 4. Documentation consisted of visiting, photographing, and visually inspecting each monument. Monuments were found in public spaces, cemeteries, museums, and historical societies.

More ephemeral forms of memorialization, such as temporary museum exhibits and photos displayed on the wall of a car wash, were also recorded. Grave Markers Six cemeteries were visited within the flood zone Table 4. Burial locations throughout Southern California were visited as they were discovered in documents or through online research Table 4.

Burials outside of the greater Los Angeles area were located through Online genealogical research based on facts gleaned in the individual claims files Table 4. Photographs of each of the grave markers were requested through the website Findagrave. The locations of those buried in cemeteries throughout the flood zone and elsewhere in Southern California were identified through the use of several sources, including the Claims Records, records from the make-shift morgues, and lists of the dead published in historical newspapers.

From these unique sources I have compiled a list of the dead and their burial locations and visited each grave to document the current state of the grave marker Appendix B. Staff at most the cemeteries I visited provided interment data not otherwise available, as well as plot maps to aid in physically locating the burials within the cemetery. Most of the cemetery staff I spoke with were not aware that victims of the disaster were buried within their grounds, with the exception of Bardsdale, Santa Paula and Ivy Lawn cemeteries, in which staff pointed out the sections flood victims were buried without referencing records.

Hope San Diego California 1 Mt. I also photographed family plots in instances where an entire family was killed in the flood and buried together. Unmarked graves were photographed, individually, and in context to other victims within the cemetery, and these photos have been edited to include text indicating the location and names associated with each burial being documented.

I also recorded the following data: i the marker type i. Genealogical research on the website ancestry. Once I found the burial location of close kin, I was able to request that a find-a-grave volunteer visit a specific cemetery to see if a victim was buried onsite.

Once located, volunteers would post photographs of the grave. When markers were not present, volunteers photographed the burial plot. Permission has been obtained for all the photographs used in this analysis.

I have organized each of the grave marker photographs digitally in file folders, by cemetery. Proper photo credit is saved in the name of each file. I have also made all these photographs available on findagrave. Francis Dam Disaster Stansell Public Outreach In the spring of , under the direction of Dr.

Although the results of those survey efforts are largely outside the parameters of the research design of this thesis, the semi-weekly visits to the canyon allowed me to spend significant time in the landscape of the flood zone, to monitor memorialization efforts around the dam site, and to engage with community members including local ranch owners, DWP employees, and dammies.

Formation of a Facebook group titled St. Francis Dam Archaeology shortly followed the symposium, and as of April the group has members. Francis Dam archaeology Facebook group have each provided additional opportunities to observe how the public narrative of the disaster is currently understood, conceptualized, shared between interested parties, and presented to the public at-large.

This event provided a forum where I could communicate with individuals having differing levels of interest in the disaster, and allowed me the opportunity to evaluate the information concerning the disaster and its victims being disseminated to the public today. An open dialog has been maintained throughout the course of the research project with members from each of the local historical societies. These opportunities allowed me to gain a better understanding of how each community, and associated historical society, remembers and memorializes the disaster.

Francis Dam disaster and its victims was accomplished by reviewing newspapers articles from to the present, listening to previously recorded oral histories performed with survivors, engaging in dialog with dammies, communicating with survivors and descendants, and conversing with the public at large during field work.

Drawing from a variety of resources, as well as keeping an open line of communication with local historical societies, dammies, ranchers, and other stakeholders has exposed me to how individuals in each of the communities throughout the flood zone reflect on the disaster differentially, and helped provide an overall sense of the level of remembering of the disaster.

Research Schedule This research commenced in October and was completed by February The bulk of the archival research took place over the summers of and Cemetery surveys, online research, and recording graves have been a constant throughout the span of the project. I visited each of the communities in the flood zone San Francisquito Canyon, Santa Clarita, Piru, Bardsdale, Fillmore, and Santa Paula documenting public memorialization during the summer of Francis Dam disaster and its victims have been memorialized through many diverse forms commemoration: a state monument near the dam site, community memorials throughout the flood zone, grave markers in cemeteries across the United States, past and present museum exhibits, and memorabilia.

Various types of ephemeral and conceptual commemorations associated with the event were also discovered. These distinct forms of memorialization pay tribute to various aspects of disaster and represent the remembrances of different communities and individuals throughout the San Clarita Valley and the Santa Clara River Valley. Monuments and Memorials Each monument and memorial found illustrated unique aspects of the disaster wished to be remembered and commemorated by the community and individuals that erected it.

As such, the discussion which follows documents various categories of commemoration clustered by community. A description of each community as it was in and is now, as well as supporting documentation pertaining to the erection of each monument, ceremonies that were held at the time of placement, and any other pertinent information, are included in the following data presentation. Ruins of the St.

Francis Dam The St. At the time of the disaster the canyon was a relatively remote and rural area, in contrast to the agricultural towns downstream. These circumstances provide unique conditions for local commemoration. No formal monument currently exists at the St. The remains themselves do serve as an informal memorial to the disaster, with their own unique history.

As such, commemoration at the ruins is distinct from other communities within the disaster zone. The dam site is located in San Francisquito Canyon in Sec. The site today consists of several dynamited blocks of dam and the dynamited west wall dyke, bisected by a former section of San Francisquito Canyon Road Figures 5. Access is currently by foot path along this abandoned road section, a casualty of storm runoff. When the dam broke apart in , the center section measuring about feet high, 90 feet wide, and feet thick at its base remained standing while other sections were carried downstream by the powerful forces of the floodwaters Nilsson and Button ; Figure 5.

Although access to the flood zone in general, and the dam site specifically are said to have been limited by authorities on the grounds of public safety Jackson , there are photographs circulated illustrating many individuals visited the dam ruins during this period. It is also expressed, though less commonly, that the tombstone stood as a grim reminder of the disaster LAT, 11 May ; Newhall Signal 11 April ; Nichols A second memorial at the dam site was installed in , on the ridge south west of the main section of the dam ruins.

The plaque was placed by the Santa Clarita Valley Historical Society in honor of the 50 year anniversary of the disaster Figure 5. Francis Dam site Newhall Signal, 24 May Flood survivors, historical society members from Santa Clarita Valley and Santa Paula, and other community members attended the commemoration. The plaque was brought in by stagecoach, along the old Butterfield route; historical society members displayed the plaque and explained the disasters historical significance Newhall Signal, 24 May Francis Dam, a unit of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.

When it was completed in May of , this concrete dam stood feet about streambed, impounding a surface-acre lake. This plaque placed by Santa Clarita Valley Historical Society March 12, State Historical Status Pending The base of this monument is still present; however, the plaque that sat upon it was removed days after initially installed. Some dammies say the plaque was vandalized; others say it was stolen Ray ; Rock Field research at the dam site in identified additional evidence of commemorative activity at the location.

Several tour groups had been to the site in the preceding days, coinciding with the 84th anniversary of the failure. This may account for its placement. Francis Dam ruins, March 10, Photo by author, California Historical Landmark No. Directly west of the power plant in Burns Canyon, a complex of buildings, including one clubhouse, one dormitory, 10 Bungalow style workers cottages, recreational facilities e.

The power plant and associated workers housing historic district that exist today were reconstructed in and following the dam failure Allen Of the 75 individuals living between the dam site and Power Plant No. A California Historical Landmark plaque recognizing the disaster is presently located behind a chain-linked fence in front of San Francisquito Power Plant No. The memorial states: St. California Registered Historical Landmark, No.

Dedicated March 12, This monument consists of a bronze plaque mounted to a piece of the dam. Additional correspondence in the file indicated the ANF delayed placement so that they might collaborate with members from the Santa Clarita Valley Historical Society in constructing the narrative placed on the plaque. Dam historian Charles Outland participated in the ceremony. Power Plant No.

The memorial stated: St. The project provides additional water storage at the south end of the Los Angeles Aqueduct and south of the San Andreas Fault. March Work begins on a curved concrete gravity dam in San Francisquito Canyon; the first concrete is placed in August. March Water from the Los Angeles Aqueduct is diverted into the reservoir for the first time. May Construction is complete as the reservoir continues to fill.

March 7, The reservoir reaches its maximum elevation at 1, Francis Dam collapses at p. Floodwaters take the lives of about men, women and children. The LADWP memorial lasted only a few years; the printing became difficult to read and it was felt to be disrespectful to the victims to leave it in a faded, dilapidated condition.

During my first visit to this location on December 3, , I observed two cork boards behind glass displaying photos of the dam after aftermath of the flood and a piece of dam mounted to a concrete base along with a plaque displaying the same narrative as the California Landmark Plaque Figure 5.

Over the course of the research this memorial has changed several times as fire fighters stationed at this location have worked on it during their free time. Photographs documenting the dam and disaster have been placed on the wall recently built behind the memorial displaying a piece of dam; removal of the cork boards has taken place as the new memorial is now complete Figure 5.

These communities were more heavily populated at the time of the disaster than San Francisquito Canyon, just as they are today. These circumstances provide their own unique conditions for local commemoration. A monument, placed on May 20, by William S. Today its inscription is obliterated by the effects of the arid climate and from damage incurred during the Copper Fire.

Today the marker serves as a cenotaph to all flood victims. The communities of the Santa Clara River Valley were heavily impacted by the floodwaters unleased by the failure of the St. The rural nature of the valley has resulted in each community creating their own unique, local forms of commemoration.

A memorial recognizing flood heroes and survivors of the disaster can be found in the Santa Paula town center, near their historic train depot at 10th and Santa Barbara Streets Figure 5. The sculpture, titled The Warning, depicts two officers riding motorcycles in the act of warning the residents to head to higher ground. The Santa Paula Historical Society circulated several press releases prior to the memorial dedication, requesting names and address of survivors so that living survivors and their descendants could receive formal invitations to attend.

Dammie John Nichols, who played an integral role in the placement of the Warning memorial, delivered the oration at the dedication. Many here today survived and went on to have children and grandchildren. Entire family lines could have been snuffed out that night without the acts of heroism that we honor here today.

For the past few years many of us here in Santa Paula have been thinking over the concept of heroism. In , for the 70th anniversary of the St. As the idea for the subject of the monumental sculpture took shape we followed that same path. What has emerged out of the history of the dead and destruction caused by the flood are many true stories of heroic acts performed by heroic citizens.

Nichols went on to communicate information about specific heroes as well as their heroic acts, as well as explain that due to the great outpouring of acts of heroism on the night of the flood no one single monument could represent each act. Francis Dam Memorial Project Moments in Time, an effort started in , in preparation for the 75th anniversary of the disaster. Santa Paula was the only community in the flood zone observed to have erected a monument for this memorial project.

Grave Markers The burial locations of of the recovered victims of the disaster were documented in this research. Each of the burial locations identified were located and photographed by either myself or via findagrave. These interment locations were dispersed in 64 cemeteries across the United States. The burial locations of three victims were unable to be confirmed because they were either outside of the greater Los Angeles area and the findagrave.

Burials in Cemeteries within the Flood Zone Just over half of the recovered victims of the disaster were buried in cemeteries within the flood zone Appendix C. These interments were in six cemeteries: one family burying ground, two small community cemeteries, two city cemeteries, and one Catholic cemetery. Eighty-seven, exactly half of these burials, were not memorialized at the time of interment, and they remain unmarked to this day. Four grave markers, memorializing 22 victims, have epitaphs indicating that the individuals were victims of the St.

Francis Dam Disaster; these four markers are all inscribed in Spanish. Interments date back to the s, and the latest burial in the cemetery was performed in the s. The cemetery was just outside of the path of the floodwaters: nine victims, eight of which were members of the Ruiz family, were buried within its grounds Figure 5. The victims lived in the canyon on the Ruiz ranch, which was adjacent to the cemetery and in the direct path of the floodwaters.

The Ruiz casualties are signified by a family marker with associated headstones, although the cause of death is unspecified. The grave of one flood victim, Phillip Cesena, remains unmarked. Figure 5. Conversation with the descendants, as well as the owner of the cemetery, revealed that many wooden grave markers burned during the Copper Fire, and oral history passed down through the generations indicates interments at the cemetery may date back to the late s.

The earliest marked interments are from the s, and it continues to serve as the only burial ground for the communities of Bardsdale and Fillmore. Twenty-eight flood victims are interred at Bardsdale Cemetery; most the graves were memorialized, though five graves were left unmarked Figure 5. Flood victims were buried in three different sections at the cemetery: families were buried in Center section, Mexican victims were buried in a section currently known as Babyland, and single individuals were buried in the Hill section.

The burial locations within the cemetery indicate it was segregated at the time of the disaster. Everett is memorialized by a cenotaph, which was placed at a different time than the rest of his family members headstones. This indicates that someone went back after the initial burials and had a cenotaph placed in memory of Everett. The cemetery is under the management of Doug Basolo, a relative of flood victim Georgie Basolo Figure 5. Francis Dam disaster Licon Matt Basolo feels that his will be last generation within the family to carry on the tradition, as his children have not participated in this annual activity Licon Piru Cemetery Piru Cemetery, located at Center Street, is a small community cemetery surrounded by orchards on the western edge of the town.

The victims buried at the cemetery lived and worked on ranches along the Santa Clara River in and near Piru. The casualties were buried in Section A, Tier B; Mexican victims were buried in the western half of the section and white victims in the eastern section Figure 5.

All but one grave was marked; three of the markers were placed as cenotaphs. None of the markers specify the cause of death. Santa Paula Cemetery Santa Paula Cemetery, located at Cemetery Road, is a large city burying ground; interments date back to the mids. Fifty-seven flood victims were buried at Santa Paula Cemetery, eighteen of which were individuals interred without having been identified.

Several of the markers found at Santa Paula Cemetery are inscribed in Spanish; each these monuments emotionally state the date of burial and cause of death. The high number of burials relates to the fact that the bodies of many upstream victims were recovered in the vicinity, particularly behind the Willard Bridge, which was destroyed during the flood but caught considerable debris. Flood victims were buried in two sections of the cemetery: Mexican, unidentified, and identified but unclaimed individuals were buried in Section B, and white families were buried in Section E Figure 5.

The graves of eleven identified victims were not marked. Several of these individuals were men from the Edison Kemp Camp, which were subsequently identified after burial, but markers were not placed. On the first anniversary of the disaster, Santa Paulans participated in a memorial celebration at Santa Paula Cemetery. The Southwest Improvement Club, a small group of flood survivors who banded together after the disaster, organized the event.

The Bureau of Power and Light also performed commemorative activities at Santa Paula Cemetery, not on the anniversary date, but on Decoration Day Memorial Day , for at least five years following the disaster. The unmarked graves of unknown flood victims at Santa Paula Cemetery were left unmemorialized until , when the Santa Paula Historical Society placed a monument adjacent to the interment locations of these individuals Figure 5.

The monument was dedicated in a ceremony replicating the mass funeral service held on March 19, ; the event was held at the same time as the original, and the same address was delivered as was before 3, mourners in Kelly, The large rock which serves as the memorial was brought in from the Santa Clara River bed. The plaque mounted upon it states: To Honor the victims of the St.

Francis Dam Disaster March 12, This monument of native stone was placed in respectful memory of the nameless souls whose unmarked graves rest in this hallowed ground. Ivy Lawn Cemetery Ivy Lawn Cemetery, located at Valentine Road in Ventura, is a large lawn-park cemetery characterized by monuments and individual associated headstones, set in expansive lawn areas.

Internments date back to the late s. Fifty-six unknown flood victims are buried in Section D at the cemetery; through correspondence with the families of men reported missing from the Kemp Camp, Reardon was able to collect dental records which allowed him to identify eight of these individuals. Markers were subsequently placed, marking four of these graves.

Their graves remain unmarked. Two flood victims were buried in a double funeral at the cemetery: Joachim Kliemann and his nephew Henry Voelker Figure 5. The uncle and his nephew were working and living on a ranch near Castaic. Although I was unable to track down any records from the monument makers used in , this itemization of funeral and burial expenses incurred for Kliemann and Voelker provides insight into the interment process and associated costs.

Burials in Cemeteries within the Greater Los Angeles Area The graves of victims were documented within the greater Los Angeles area, but outside the flood zone. Twenty-four of these graves remain unmarked. All of the markers were inscribed in English. Three of these markers, memorializing seven victims, have epitaphs which make reference to the St. Francis Dam Disaster being the cause of death.

Thirty-one victims were buried in Oakwood Cemetery at Lassen Street in Chatsworth; the town is 17 miles south-west of Newhall. Will G. Noble, the undertaker who prepared the individuals for burial at the cemetery, owned several plots in Section C Claims Records WP Noble donated plots in to the city and buried white and Mexican victims side by side, something not observed at other cemeteries. The assistant dam keeper and his family are buried near the front of the cemetery, in Section G.

Three young children were buried in Section M, a small area of the cemetery set aside for babies and infants; the graves are unmarked. Ten total graves remain unmarked. Four markers were placed as cenotaphs. Glendale Ave in Glendale, a town about 25 miles south of Newhall. Most these victims lived at the Power Plant No. The burials are dispersed in various sections throughout the cemetery. All of the burials are marked, with the exception of one; the grave of Leona Johnson, girlfriend of dam keeper Tony Harnischfeger remains unmarked.

These casualties were all of the Catholic faith, including the Alvarez and Martinez families living at the Southern Pacific section camp at Castaic Junction, Matt Costamagna living and working on leased land in Piru, and Vida Mathews, who was visiting her uncle at the Power Plant No. Casualties were buried in 16 other cemeteries within the greater Los Angeles area Appendix D. The burial location of each victim was generally selected by family, and cemeteries across Los Angeles were chosen because the victims were buried in family plots that existed prior to the disaster, due to personal affiliations, such as requiring Catholic rites at designated Catholic cemeteries, or military burials, including the two at Los Angeles National Cemetery.

With exception of the cremated individuals, the burial location of just one victim out of the recovered was unable to be determined; the claim file for Jessie Asher includes a receipt for his interment at Inglewood Cemetery in Los Angeles, though the cemetery currently has no record of the burial Claims Records WP The great majority of these out-of-area burials were those of men from the Edison Kemp Camp.

These interments, and as well as four cenotaphs, were found in 40 cemeteries, in 16 states across the county Figure 5. Many of the grave markers listed the day and year of death, as well as epitaphs providing the cause of the death. Six of the findagrave. Museum Exhibits and Memorabilia While monuments and memorials both act as objects which serve as a focus for the memory of a person or event within a landscape, objects in museum exhibits, memorabilia, and other portable relics act as a mnemonic bridge.

They allow for memory recall without being physically present in the environment where the event actually occurred. The disaster and its victims have been memorialized through many diverse and distinctive forms of commemoration, including plaques, medals, awards, scrapbooks, and other mnemonic objects.

The adobe, built and owned by western firm actor Harry Carey, was outside of the flood path; today it is managed by the Department of Parks and Recreation as a Los Angeles County Park. The exhibit, titled St. Francis Dam Break, includes photographs of the dam before and after the failure, several narratives discussing construction, the failure sequence, and aftermath, and photos of the California Landmark plaque and The Warning memorial.

The SCC lost seven of their members in the disaster, and their clubhouse was used as a refuge and hospital following the flood. It is unknown where the plaque was displayed, though it is believed to have sat for a time in front of the Saugus Elementary school next to the San Francisquito Canyon schoolhouse bell.

The plaque resurfaced at a Survivors Reunion, held on the 50th anniversary of the disaster; it was presented to the historical society by a descendant of flood victim Nellie Dixon Hanson, who was memorialized on the plaque Ray Today it hangs in the museum at the Saugus Train Depot, with some signs of wear.

The bell was originally dedicated to six Bee School students. For many years the bell sat on a pedestal in front of Saugus Elementary School. Kott It is possible this plaque was actually the Saugus Community Club memorial. The bell was donated with the intention of placing it at the Mentryville schoolhouse, though this never took place.

The bell was displayed at the Saugus Train Depot Museum until, , when it was loaned by the historical society to the city of Newhall for the Metrolink station tower Worden The display, placed in late by the owners of the car wash, includes photographs of the dam before and after the failure, as well as a narrative, which states: Construction on the foot-long, foot-high St. Francis Dam started in August in With a It was completed two months later.

At p. It was the second-worst disaster in California history, after the great San Francisco earthquake and fire of , in terms of lives lost. Today the flood devastation in this section of the Santa Clara River Valley is memorialized by one know exhibit at the Fillmore Historical Museum Figure 5. The exhibit also includes the sign from Skillin Mortuary, one of the make-shift morgues used after the failure. The scrapbooks contents also include clippings of recovery and restoration efforts from the Heraldo de Mexico, a Los Angeles Spanish language newspaper Figure 5.

Each of the historical photographs in the Cruz Azul scrapbook had previously been digitized by Santa Paula photographer and dammie John Nichols, so I did not digitize these either. Each page of the scrapbook was photographed, however, so that I would have a permanent record of its contents. The first known exhibit was on display between February 8, and April 26, , and was titled Dam Break: Heroes and Survivors, curated by John Nichols.

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