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culture gov au articles indigenous trackers torrent

Although we are elaborating in the present article on cultural aspects of ILK systems, scientific knowledge is also generated in a value context. Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage: Key Indicators is the fifth in a series of regular reports commissioned by heads of governments in. In the language of the Awabakal people, Umulliko means 'to create, to make, to do'. The Umulliko Indigenous Higher Education Centre. MADARASA PATTINAM TORRENT We cannot say now correctly made them, just not. The output of both the server and the viewer on the same here not mean format, it can. Choose your ideal to be well.

An example of the surviving boards. The clearest descriptors of government action survive from newspaper reports in the Colonial Times of Hobart. They were: said to be representations of the attacks made by the black upon the white population, and in the back ground is to be seen a gallows with a black suspended; and, also, the same consequence to the white man, whom in the other picture is represented as the aggressor. Curiously, however, even before these newspaper reports, it appears that such boards were already in use.

Mrs A. In course of time, however, these articles became naturally so coveted by them, that they commenced thieving; this was resisted, and one or two imprudent timid stock-keepers fired and killed some of the natives. Deadly hatred was in consequence avowed against the whites, which not even all the pictures of explanation our friend F— has hung up in the woods, depicting the governor punishing the white man for firing at the black, can lessen.

Great pains have been taken with those that are caught, to civilize and educate them but, excepting learning a few English sentences, it was to little purpose, as they invariably ran back to the woods when an opportunity offered. Yet, late in , another colonial newspaper described Frankland giving an image to Eumarrah, a tribal chief accompanying a colonial mission, which does not match the surviving imagery: Before the departure of Numarrow [Eumarrah], Mr. Frankland presented him with a little sketch, executed with much spirit, of the consequences of the Aborigines adopting a peaceable demeanour, or of continuing their present murderous and predatory habits.

In one part of the sketch, the soldiery were represented firing upon a tribe of the Blacks, who were falling from the effects of the attack. On the other part were seen, another tribe, decently clad, receiving food for themselves and families. See also Bonwick 84 for a slightly mis- transcribed version. There were, it seems, other images with other messages.

While the surviving boards have been subject to considerable scholarly discussion and varying interpretation, this has been predicated on a generalised context derived from the above-cited sources excepting Mrs Prinsep , which has conflated what are clearly distinct iconographical sequences.

Moreover, while some historians have acknowledged the likely existence of other iconographical traditions, to date no extensive discussion of this has been forthcoming. We hope to fill this gap by recovering and investigating the alternative iconography represented in a remarkable source. Borrowing from the manuscript analysis techniques deployed for medieval studies, we are confident that the Beattie MS and the Allport MS are not the same document, even though they reflect the same general text.

Close reading suggests 12 Independently of the project presented here, Tasmanian Aboriginal artist and writer Dr Julie Gough also visually reconstructed these images after recording the source manuscript in the Allport Library and Museum of Fine Arts on 28 July Her results are as yet unpublished, but were presented at a public talk at the Allport Library and Museum on 6 August The authors are grateful to the reviewer who brought this parallel research to their attention in July , and to Julie Gough for allowing us to then see her images.

Our commissioned reproductions were presented at the Australian Historical Association conference, Sydney, 9 July It is the second part of the text with which we are mainly concerned, and here the Allport MS offers material later excluded from the clean copy. Composition therefore postdates this event. This entire section is missing from the Beattie MS.

The text details the scenes depicted on two such boards, which will be addressed shortly. The town crier apparently successfully argued against this idea. Dating the manuscript itself is less straightforward. Situated within an early memorialising or chronicling tradition, this manuscript offers a reflective take on the then recent past, as well as a first-hand account.

While described to illustrate colonial failures to effectively communicate with Indigenous Tasmanians, textually and narratively situated with other communicative attempts, this mocking description remains the most detailed surviving near-contemporary account of pictorial communication attempts with Indigenous Tasmanians. Strikingly different from the series depicted on the surviving boards, unfortunately the clarity of the text is somewhat haphazard. Board A, as shown in Figure 1, reflects the commonly known version that survives in several copies.

Artistic impressions of Boards B and C, based on the textual descriptions and borrowing styling from the surviving boards, are shown in Figures 2 and 3. These reconstructions were undertaken for the authors by Melbourne-based Tasmanian author, artist and illustrator Simon Barnard, who developed the style in consultation with the authors and through reference to the well-known imagery of Board A.

The authors acknowledge funding received from the Centre for Colonialism and Its Aftermath to remunerate the artist. What follows is an amended version to correctly reflect the sequences described. A reconstruction by Simon Barnard based on manuscript description. In sequence, Board C illustrated a narrative of assimilatory progress. Figure 3: Board C, In both, unlike the surviving imagery of Board A, there is a clear narrative unity throughout the whole of each sequence.

They are stories, with inceptions, causal links and conclusions. Indigenous violence was met with force and punishment in Board B, and non-violent Indigenous encounter resulted in reward in Board C. We argue that these messages, blunt and binary, open avenues for a new approach to the iconographical frontier of conflict and conciliation in the Vandemonian War, and help broaden the scholarly discussion beyond the surviving iconography of Board A.

Similarly focused on the global imperial context in which the boards were created, Penelope Edmonds compared the iconography of Board A with British, French and Spanish medals taken to the North American colonies, and anti-slavery tokens found in England, situating them in an imperial visual lexicon that extended across empires.

For Edmonds, the boards certainly have a pseudo-legal aspect, but they also have coded messages of empire and reflect cultural expressions of imperial humanitarianism. Edmonds has also pursued this iconographical resonance into modern times, exploring how Board A has become an icon for postcolonial artistic engagement with a troubled colonial past. Their representation of military violence, Indigenous Tasmanians in custody, institutionalised instruction and cross-cultural Indigenous actors performing colonial services all neatly match actualities of the Vandemonian War of the s and s.

Yet, there is more to be gained from these than a straightforward illustration of the Vandemonian situation. If the imagery of Board A has become a historiographical shorthand for missed opportunities, the 28 von Zinnenburg Carroll The series of scenes on Board B, for instance, is certainly consistent with Indigenous experience from the early years of contact across the Australian colonies which often continued well into the twentieth century.

The first two frames depict Indigenous aggression towards and dispossession of settlers, easily understood now as resistance to colonisation, although at the time part of the logic behind strong colonial military action. The use of British soldiers described in the third frame was a regular feature of early colonial Australia, with British military regiments being regularly stationed in the colonies until Moreover, the iconography of captivity is deeply resonant of wide colonial experience.

Aboriginal people were taken captive from the first year of settlement when in Governor Arthur Phillip issued instructions that an Aboriginal person be captured and restrained with a view to having the captive become an intermediary between the colonists and local Aboriginal people in Sydney. Over time, at least 90 Aboriginal men were incorporated into the colonial convict system; in this and other contexts, Indigenous people were frequently restrained by handcuffs, leg irons and imprisonment.

Merete Borch has highlighted a similar duality in the instructions sent from the Secretaries of State in London to various Governors in the Australian colonies. The limited evidence of the Vandemonian s reveals a considerable degree of intercultural intercourse, making this decade an important contextual referent for the boards that is often overlooked in discussion focused on the immediate wartime provenance. With many Indigenous children taken into service and employed, including those later punished for transgressing colonial laws, this period saw Indigenous people living and acting within colonial society in ways that were likely under-documented, and only hinted at by anomalous documentary moments.

Official condemnation of colonists forcibly taking Indigenous children from their parents points to a difficult-to-trace phenomenon, but transgressions or accidents 39 Hobart Town Gazette and Southern Reporter, 7 February 2; 14 November 1. The contingent factor was a behavioural suite, and the more assimilated to the colony, the less Indigenous they appear within the documentary record. Australian historiography has generally viewed Board A through the lens of a long history of race, but the immediate context of their production was more concerned with culture.

Yet that is not to deny the fact and import of institutionalisation, captured in the iconography of Board C. Notions of Aboriginal people gradually becoming incorporated into colonial society, represented in Board C, highlight the potential evident in the actual historical context.

Yet, by capturing an iconographical sequence of broader import, they may speak more effectively to our age than theirs. These recollections, hinting at relative proximity to the events concerned, capture something of an understanding of events before a master narrative of Vandemonian contact and conflict was firmly established by prominent writers like Henry Melville from the mids and Bonwick in the s. Moreover, these are not the only lost images.

In , for instance, the demolition of the Empire Hotel in Hobart resulted in the rediscovery of an old wall painting long covered by wallpaper. To date, a sole newspaper description appears to be the only record of this painting: 48 Brodie b. Crowther, William L. Davies, R. Plomely, N. From Original Letters Selected by Mrs. Prinsep, London. Disturbing news of outbreaks of violence and fatalities on Yorke and Eyre peninsulas had been reaching Adelaide since January It provided a unique opportunity to test the much-vaunted, consoling perception held by many South Australian colonists that, in their colony at least, Aboriginal people were protected and treated as equals under British law.

The work of scholars who conducted research in the s and s indicated that across Australia including Tasmania approximately 20, Aboriginal people were killed by white violence, about 10 times the number of Europeans killed by Aboriginal people. In the Port Phillip District between and , settlers were tried for the deaths of Aboriginal people on only two occasions. In both cases they were acquitted. Much scholarly work has been done documenting cases and investigating why British law failed to punish settlers for such violent acts.

As such, it serves as an excellent means through which to illustrate other, less obvious factors that prevented legal justice for Aboriginal people. With the exception of the lack of credibility given to Aboriginal evidence, the mechanisms Nettelbeck and Foster identify outlined in the previous paragraph by which settler crimes could be ignored, dismissed or fail to lead to a conviction were not applicable.

An exhaustive and contextualised analysis of documents relating to the case combined with knowledge of the biographies of key players provides additional nuance to previous scholarly findings and draws to light some incremental perhaps more insidious reasons why British law consistently failed Aboriginal people.

Broad comparative studies inevitably conclude with the observation that British law worked to protect settler interests and establish settler sovereignty. For example, Nettelbeck notes that magistrates had no formal training and, with jurors, were comprised of members of the landed classes whose interests they inadvertently represented. Those who served the economic development of the colony were unlikely to receive a guilty verdict and the law was securely bound to the maintenance and protection of settler sovereignty.

A recognition of distinctions between and connections among settlers, the multiplicity of settler positions and the varying degrees and extents to which different groups used, constituted and controlled the law enables a deeper understanding of why British law failed to provide justice for Aboriginal people.

Setting the scene, Melaityappa was shot in August , approximately two years after Narungga country was occupied by pastoralists. On 20 January, overseer George Penton shot an Aboriginal man defending nine sheep carcasses, part of a flock of sheep that had been taken from pastoralists Anstey and Giles.

Neither the police nor Protector of Aborigines, Matthew Moorhouse, were sent to investigate. On 3 July, a party of five settlers, which included Penton and George Field who was later charged , surprised and fired upon a group at Hardwicke Bay. A man, Nantariltarra, was shot through 18 Ford , See Krichauff Again, neither police nor the Protector were dispatched.

A shepherd named Armstrong has been killed by a spear, and from the flocks of Mr Anstey no less than sheep were recently abstracted by the wily blacks. McCulloch arrested Wilcooramalap and arrived in Adelaide on 11 August. By 13 August, this payback killing and the subsequent court case began receiving press coverage. Historical records reveal intriguing and enlightening connections between Moorhouse, McCulloch and Jim Crack. McCulloch was involved in the earlier arrests of both the ex-convict Thomas Donelly and squatter James Brown for their murders of Aboriginal people.

See also Krichauff Because the Adelaide 30 See Krichauff Since January , Adelaide residents had been receiving news of the deaths of several settlers at the hands of Aboriginal people. They view the sable denizens of the forest as dangerous interlopers, or something worse.

Perria, Moorhouse and McCulloch gave damning evidence. Perria had seen Jones and Morris ride up to Melaityappa on small grey horses and shoot Melaityappa in the arm, foot and body; they then rode off, taking with them two nets and two waddies, which were later recovered. When McCulloch visited the site of the shooting, he saw the tracks of two small horses, which corresponded with the tracks of the grey horse Jones was riding when identified by Melaityappa.

Any convenient perception that immoral acts committed on Aboriginal people were perpetrated by uneducated men belonging to the lower classes could no longer be sustained. Colonists wanted someone to blame, some way to deflect attention from the real causes of cross- cultural violence.

Aboriginal people were an easy target. These lines were not distinct but overlapped and blurred — government officials were settlers, Adelaide residents were pastoralists. In addition, there were differences between members of each group, which depended upon individual motives, histories, experiences and personalities.

Ten days later, he bluntly stated: The blacks were here before us … At length the white man came, and the power of civilisation has continued to monopolise and fence in the soil, and to shut out and drive away the game, and occasionally to shoot down the native tribes.

He was not alone in seeking justice for Aboriginal people. Moorhouse and McCulloch promptly and decisively attended to Melaityappa before tracking and arresting Jones and Morris. Both gave clear, damning evidence against Morris and Jones and were supported by other men in high office. There is no doubt the majority of early pastoralists were aware of and took a pragmatic and mercenary approach with regard to the means by which Aboriginal land was occupied.

Following the murders of shepherds Armstrong and Scott in July and August respectively as referred to above , overseers Penton and Morris armed their subordinates with guns, scoured their runs and forced shepherds to go out with their flocks.

Aware a guilty verdict would have numerous negative repercussions for their economic enterprises, pastoralists resorted to desperate methods. The wider public It is difficult to know what proportion of the settler population sympathised with Melaityappa and Aboriginal people in general and what proportion sympathised with Jones and Morris and pastoralists and their employees.

Newspapers raised the possibility of settlers abandoning some districts on the Yorke and Eyre peninsulas. The Governor appointed the Acting Judge on the advice of the Legislative Council, which was comprised of four government officials and four colonists. With the exception of the Governor, all members of the Legislative Council were landholders. Although the scant records allow only a speculative interpretation of events, they are nevertheless enlightening. Successive amendments to the Aborigines Evidence Act in , and increasingly enabled previously unadmissable Aboriginal evidence to be heard in court.

By , unsworn evidence was admitted, evidence could be presented as written statements, and unsworn interpreted evidence accepted. Jim Crack could not count beyond the number 10 and had forgotten the difference between a week and a month. To hang the nephew of an ex-Governor would raise serious questions 74 Register, 12 September 3CD. It would send a strong message to British citizens and colonists that economic self-interests did not override the rights of Aboriginal people and would, initially at least, hinder the economic prosperity of the colony.

How was Mann — acting as the highest placed judge in South Australia at the time — to resolve this conundrum whilst keeping face regarding the superiority and impartiality of British law? Legislation passed by the Legislative Council as recently as July made judges or Justices of the Peace responsible for assessing the weight and credibility of unsworn Aboriginal evidence and meant that finally settlers could be convicted solely on the uncorroborated testimony of an Aboriginal person.

In a written report dated 19 October addressed to the Governor, Mann stated: The answers of Jim Crack satisfied me that in cases similar to that … against Messrs. Morris and Jones … the testimony of a native by a native interpreter might be depended upon. Through the medium of the Interpreter I examined and admonished the native boy and I found that the answers of the witness were clear and distinct.

Before the Grand Jury no difficulty was experienced. Like the Legislative Council, the Grand Jury was primarily made up of landholders. The Grand Jury had one more trump card to play. The Advocate General pointed out that the mass of evidence heard supported the native evidence, regardless of confusion over dates and times.

Perria gave the same answer to several different questions. The long pent up feelings of the audience found vent in a mighty volley of cheers, which completely put the efforts of the officers of the Court at defiance. The cheers were repeated outside the Court, and the traders of Hindley street were startled occasionally by a sudden but simultaneous shout from a large body of people, who had not separated even at that distance from the Court-house.

The editors of the SAGMJ no doubt represented the relief and thinking of many: we have not the least intention of treating this matter with levity — far from it. A cruel and brutal murder had unquestionably been perpetrated upon a native, which, brought home to the accused parties, would certainly have been expiated with their lives.

Fortunately, this dire justice has been avoided; and more happily still, the determination which the proceedings evinced is likely to operate as a warning to others in their future intercourse with and treatment of the aborigines, and so have the full effect of a more terrible example. Mann, Esq. As with Jones and Morris, the case for the defence rested upon Aboriginal evidence.

This was a prime opportunity for Mann and the jury to demonstrate the alleged impartiality of British law. However, the jury had no problems convicting Aboriginal people on the basis of Aboriginal evidence. In the same sittings, no European was found guilty for the murder of 94 Register, 19 September 4A. In a letter to the Governor dated 8 October , Moorhouse asked the Governor to reconsider the sentence of death pronounced upon the four Aboriginal men from Eyre Peninsula.

Moorhouse felt obliged to: conscientiously declare my conviction, that had they been Europeans, the juries would not from the evidence produced have brought them in guilty … the chief evidence against them was given by Natives, a kind of evidence which a few days before had been rejected as dangerous and unsatisfactory when given against Europeans.

Mann stated this despite having been informed of the premeditated attack by five Europeans on the shores of Hardwick Bay in which Nantariltarra was murdered and a girl drowned, and despite knowing of the poisoning of at least five people on Eyre Peninsula. The trial provided an unprecedented opportunity to demonstrate to South Australian colonists the much-promulgated notion that Aboriginal people were treated as equals before the law.

Foster eds , National Museum of Australia, Canberra: 88— In eight instances the girls are of mixed blood. Indeed, policing intimacy, coupled with immigration restriction, was central to purveying white citizenship across Australia and the United States, both settler colonial nations with distinctive, intersecting schemes of racial governance, which collided in Australia during World War II 1 Tubbs 1.

The Baltimore-based Afro-American newspaper sent correspondents to cover the fighting alongside the various black American units that served in both the European and Pacific theatres. Alongside them, allied troops arrived from the Netherlands East Indies and Netherlands West Indies, Great Britain and colonial India, together with international merchant marines, consigned to supply the military enterprise. On the Australian home front, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and African American, Native American and other coloured servicemen were often drawn together in the face of shared experiences of colonial discrimination and oppression.

From these associations, important political dialogues and activism emerged. While I discuss only a few women here, mostly from Western Australia, this is part of a wider national project and the subject of a forthcoming book. See also Ellinghaus See Grieves a. Some accounts refer fleetingly to the African American husbands of a number of white Australian war brides, but the trajectory of these family formations is absent from the literature.

Their experiences connect to a wider trans-Pacific history of intimate WWII relationships, including the resulting children born with Indigenous mothers and American military fathers, as extensively explored by Judy Bennett and Angela Wanhalla. These experiences are, however, touched on briefly by Saunders 77—78; Braithwaite ; McKerrow On Indigenous service in the defence forces more widely, see Hall , ; Riseman , ; Stasiuk On earlier cross cultural connection between mariners, see Pybus ; Russell The arrival of African Americans threatened to contravene the White Australia Policy and fuel populist fears of miscegenation.

As did the other servicemen, African Americans pooled their resources to rent houses near the Fremantle base or in the city, and were offered hospitality by local families. Hospital maternity wards overflowed to the extent that additional beds had to be placed in the hallways. Pregnant Aboriginal women found themselves the lowest priority, often having to leave the city to give birth in segregated hospitals outside at Moore River Native Settlement, or at Carrollup, where maternity admissions spiked.

Some sadly also lost their partners in wartime action or localised violence that went unreported under wartime censorship. Marriage, as noted earlier, was not a right 24 Green This observation also holds true of social relationships between African Americans and Aboriginal Australians, an aspect that Brawley and Dixon gloss over.

But, for most Aboriginal people, Perth remained a deeply racially segregated town — a result of 25 exhaustive years of A. Neville held the position of Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia from to , and Commissioner for Native Affairs from until his retirement in The proclamation, along with a pass system, was in force from to Betty was awarded a trophy for her dancing ability with an African American US naval partner who, as she fondly remembers, taught her the jitterbug.

Neville, to promote an imagined biological absorption of Aboriginal people into a presumptively white settler colonial nation. With no sense of what was an absurd and crushing irony, he responded that she would likely find herself the victim of racism if she were to live in Tennessee. Prison sentences were meted out of between one to four months, presumably in the hope that when the women were released their men would have been sent on war patrol or dispatched to the submarine base in Brisbane, as was commonly the case.

They maintained friendships with one another and devised necessary communication networks, under the watchful care of older women in the city such as Auntie Jessie Smith and her compatriots, who knew the ropes.

In the small wooden cottage near the wharfs, military personnel freely shared food and drink from the ships and brought wartime luxuries such as chocolate and silk stockings, along with their good manners and attention. Audrey had been born in the Salvation Army home for unmarried mothers in Fremantle in She was the daughter of year-old Florence Pearson, a white woman from Menzies on the WA goldfields, and an Aboriginal man, possibly a Nyungar man from the wheatbelt, not listed on her birth certificate.

Being black, and classed an orphan, was one of the most difficult positions to occupy in Australia. Unlike for the Moore River children, there was no familial bonding for Audrey among peers: stigmatised as the only Aboriginal girl among white children, from her teenage years she worked long hours in an industrial-style laundry amid steaming hot copper boilers.

Upon leaving the orphanage at 21, she came under the control of the Aborigines Act WA. With the influx of foreign serviceman into Fremantle two years later, Audrey joined the throng of other young Aboriginal women in the city to embrace life in the moment, throwing off the isolation of her childhood and early adult years. More than once, she was sentenced to short prison terms for fraternising with American servicemen.

She told part of her story later to some of her grandchildren. He replied, only to reveal that he was married and unable to support their child. Despite this disappointment, the war had given Audrey a new mobility and a different sense of identity and belonging.

After John was born in Geraldton, as the last US bases closed, she made her way up the Western Australian coast, eventually crossing the border into the Northern 47 Betty Kinnane, pers. Both women were forthright, smart, strong and impeccably dressed. They radiated glamour. Source: Eileen Clarke collection, courtesy of James Ramsay. The day-to-day indignities people of colour experienced in Perth, such as being refused entry on public transport, were uncommon here.

For Audrey and Eileen, the ability to shift between racialised identities that acknowledged the multilayered aspects of their lives and experiences opened up a space for the expression of personal agency and for resisting the essentialising and exclusionary racial discourse on Aborigines. Audrey had never known what a family looked or felt like. She had not been mothered beyond the age of two, or taught to mother within the confines of the orphanage. She was abused by nuns, for which she received compensation later in life.

Now she found her own way of extending kin, deftly keeping family within her orbit, through the network of connections she forged with families during her time in Broome, especially with the large and influential Clarke family. The Cubillos were one of the relatively prosperous foundational families of Darwin, living in the racially mixed Asian-Aboriginal area known as the Police Paddock.

Audrey, as a single mother, would otherwise have been vulnerable to having John removed by the state to an institution. This way, Audrey herself was able to live only a short block away, and maintain a connection with John as best she could. Three-and-a-half years later, in early , Eileen Shang settled in Darwin permanently with Jimmy and her second child Joanne, and married Joe Clarke, living in the same neighbourhood and raising a family of six.

Darwin, c. Placing children among extended kin- like circuits, whether informally or through legal adoption, as Audrey did, was an adept, resistant practice deployed by many Aboriginal women living in the Northern Territory with absent male partners to ensure their children were not forcibly adopted into white families or did not become wards of the state.

She placed them among other neighbouring friends so she could maintain maternal contact: Glen dec. In Darwin, Audrey, who remained single, made her living in whatever way she could at a time when employment options were limited for Aboriginal women. In the s, she put her knowledgeable life skills to good use, working as housekeeper for Judge Dick Ward who had been appointed to hear the Larrakia claims for land in Darwin.

Soon after, Audrey moved to Redfern, Sydney, where she became a respected elder in the Aboriginal community at a time of great political transition, living to an advanced age. For an American serviceman to be able marry an allied foreigner, permission needed to be first obtained from his commanding officer, and a six- month cooling-off period applied. Commanding officers took into account the anti- miscegenation laws that operated in 29 of the then 48 American states that forbade marriages between white and non-white peoples, including African Americans, which would problematise interracial marriages if couples managed to emigrate 62 Danusha Cubillo, pers.

Australia had its own racial governance around marriage that differed across each state according to local protection laws and ordinances that required Aboriginal people wishing to marry to obtain the permission of the Protector of Aborigines or the like. Within Australia, various degrees of blood quantum applied to different locales, which, in many instances, restricted Aboriginal women from marrying white men on the one hand, or African American men on the other.

One example of how these complex legal restrictions shaped the wartime experience of marriage was alluded to by war correspondent Vincent Tubbs at the beginning of this essay. Consequently, this meant they were also refused the right to parent their only child, Don Carter Jnr, together. However, the situation for Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women carried the additional barrier of state-based protectorate policies intersecting with the White Australia Policy the Immigration Restriction Act Source: Beetham family collection, courtesy of Paul Beetham.

When the HMS Victorius docked into Fremantle Harbour in May , carrying Australian war brides from the eastern states, and set to collect more women from Perth, Pat McManus, 19 years old, single and with one son already born during the war years, was determined to try her fortune overseas and board that ship.

Eventually raising 70 For example, Tubbs ; Moyna Richardson, pers. Although the promise of equality on the home front was still 20 years away, studies of the Civil Rights movement routinely emphasise the significance of the participation in WWII by African Americans as crucial in catalysing change. Political dialogues fomented in the card games, dance halls and along the Swan River and seaside camps impacted on the younger generation in particular. This amplified as Aboriginal veterans returned home from military service with a better understanding of their citizenship rights and a vision of what equality might look like.

See Grieves b: 31—32 for an example of this. Thus the Coolbaroo League established its base just outside the prohibited zone. In this way, the famed Coolbaroo Club dances began, explicitly taking their cue from the mixed-race wartime dances.

The influence of the African Americans was felt everywhere. Eliza Barron had a son, David, with African American navy man Malcolm Butler, and Leonard Keen, who served in the home garrison, had befriended African Americans in northern ports who provided chocolates and silk stockings to send to his sisters in Perth. The mobility enabled by war provoked longitudinal change.

Aboriginal women crossed physical and intellectual boundaries imposed by white settler colonialism, leaving permanent legacies well beyond the families they created. They also shaped the meaning of nation and citizenship through the politics of their lives.

Through their agency and lived experiences, these women firmly challenged social attitudes to race, nation and settler colonial identity. For many, raising their children successfully with a sensibility of their history and heritage was an overriding act of resistance in itself, forever widening the scope of the Australian family and extending Aboriginal sovereignty transnationally. Thus, s Australia has been recognised by historians as critical to the development of the Indigenous and other rights movements that gained momentum in the s, arising partially from the intense mobility of the war when colonised peoples actively came together like no other time before.

My gratitude to Swinburne University for providing a research sabbatical to undertake essential fieldwork, and to the Centre for Media Culture and History, New York University, and the Fay Gale Centre, University of Adelaide, for each extending Visiting Research Fellowships, warm collegiality and intellectual stimulation. I thank colleagues at these events for their thoughtful feedback. I extend thanks to the two anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful comments have improved this paper.

Australian War Memorial n. Cadzow, A. Green, Michael Hall, Robert A. Neville, A. Castles eds , Polity Press, New York: — Young Deaconess Winifred Hilliard arrived at the Presbyterian Ernabella mission craft room in far north-west South Australia in to work as a qualified missionary.

She trained as a Presbyterian deaconess and, after further handcraft teaching work including in a slum parish of Melbourne, she was invited in to become the handcraft adviser at Ernabella. I do not intend here to engage explicitly with the agency of the artists, which was considerable and which has been discussed elsewhere. See for example Eickelkamp ; Young , Pels and Salemink query the distinction made between academic anthropologists and other ethnographic practitioners under colonial rule.

They note the importance of the practical relationships between observed and observers and their transformations by the representations of ethnography. Hilliard was not a professional anthropologist but — at least initially — a professional missionary. In publishing a book about the missionised subjects of her daily work, she was following in a long tradition of missionaries who are also ethnographers and writers. She later published many essays and gave public lectures about the Ernabella craft room, all of which are imbued with her ethnographic voice and her experience over decades of immersion in local Indigenous life of understanding and speaking Pitjantjatjara fluently.

These years were relieved by the introduction of government subsidies for Aboriginal art and craft production and marketing. By the s, the Ernabella art centre business, in addition to the cultural and social roles it played, was at last flourishing.

This material remains the 5 Pels and Salemink 1, 4. Hilliard, pers. I knew Winifred Hilliard during this period of her life: from , when I started anthropological fieldwork near Ernabella, until her death in Most non-Aboriginal staff come and go so regularly. By the time of her last visit to Ernabella for the 60th anniversary of the art centre in , those former craft girls sat at her feet, wanting their photo taken with her.

Their shared life experiences mean that Hilliard represented their pasts too, a link to dead mothers, sisters, aunties. Other researchers had been working with them on their art and its history. An industry A mission station must have an industry, to provide work and help to finance the cost of caring for the natives. During the preparations for handover of governance to Anangu themselves, the mission stated its five interlinked goals as spiritual, economic, educational, social and political.

Ernabella was already established as a sheep station when purchased by the church in Ernabella is, comparatively, in the vastness of central Australia, geographically close both to Hermannsburg, the first mission in central Australia, which was set up by the Lutherans in , and to the United Aborigines Mission at Warburton established in Dr Charles Duguid — Adelaide surgeon, Ernabella mission advocate and policymaker — framed the Ernabella mission project within a more liberal approach to the Christian conversion of Aboriginal people and to their education than any of these missions.

There were no dormitories at Ernabella and schoolchildren were taught in the Pitjantjatjara language. The mission opened a school in Love and anthropologists — the Berndts, Basedow, Spencer and Gillen. The book boasted an ambivalent introduction by Ted Strehlow, the son of the Hermannsburg Lutheran missionaries.

Strehlow was intent on recording the secret ceremonies of men and collecting their ritual paraphernalia. Aram Yengoyan, who had carried out research near Ernabella, reviewed the book for American Anthropologist. His review was generally favourable and praised her impartial account of the mission, although he criticised her incomplete account 19 Duguid [], Figure 1: Page from an Ernabella mission handcraft leaflet c.

Text and illustrations attributed to Winifred Hilliard. Source: Ara Irititja Archive. It is this chapter that lays the foundation for her own future accounts of the craft room — and virtually all others that follow. She had already sketched this narrative in various brochures she prepared to accompany the craft room price lists. Her tiny drawings of Anangu carrying out work embellish early examples. Anangu informants whom she acknowledges at the front of her book are Gordon Inkatji, Watulya Baker and Nganintja, three individuals whom the mission regarded as great successes and role models for other Anangu.

Hilliard uses their accounts and that of other Anangu to evoke Pitjantjatjara life before the mission. She did not, by and large, use their precontact lives to legitimise the mission project. Although she was a little critical of the mission, the book is holier than thou in tone.

The people who came into the mission travelled mainly from this reserve area. Her aim was to emphasise that the Pitjantjatjara were not just human but good and morally upright, worthy of support. They do not, she writes, lend their wives, nor eat each other. One has the sense that she was didactic to forestall criticism and ignorant questions about people for whom she had immense affection and respect. This tendency increased in her writing as the years passed.

She also needed to market the things that the craft room workers produced and, as I will discuss below, much of her writing is about educating that market not merely for monetary gain but garnering appreciation for, and advancement of, firstly the mission and latterly the Aboriginal craft women. It outlived her tenure and appears long afterwards in the accounts of subsequent art advisers, and in catalogue essays.

Indeed, it requires effort to write anything about Ernabella that does not borrow from it. Its authority is augmented by the fact that the Ernabella mission refused most requests from professional anthropologists to conduct research at Ernabella.

The narrative unfolds by withholding as much as it gives way. Realising that spinning was a native skill, the mission arranged for Mrs M. Bennett of Kalgoorlie to visit Ernabella in for six weeks and teach four older women to adjust the tension of the fibre in order to successfully spin white wool, that novelty animal hair.

Mrs Bennett also taught four younger women to weave wool on a four-shaft loom. Hilliard mentions the names of all these women — Nguringka, Nyirpiwa, Kukika and Dolly — indicative of how The People in Between is so reliant on insider knowledge. It is from this date, , that the craft room is born in future accounts, though Hilliard later corrects its actual start to January Bennett , arrived, who had knowledge of weaving and taught more young women this skill.

The cane and raffia basketry was not successful. There was moccasin making with introduced kangaroo skins stitched and painted by the craft women, and Gobelin tapestry weaving that was unpopular with the majority of craft girls. It was the men who were responsible for shearing the sheep and sorting and baling the wool before it was sent on the mission truck to the rail head miles away at Finke.

It is these that Hilliard was to broker and promote. She traced the walka back to sand-drawing practices; although, at the end of her life, Hilliard doubted this as an explanation for them. In the anthropological stereotype of Aboriginal women lacking ritual power, it is young women, in accounts of precontact life, who are construed as especially powerless. These young women, if thought of as art producers, were the antithesis of the Papunya Tula men, whose ground paintings and ceremonial designs are continually invoked as the basis of their mark making on canvas.

In her writing, Hilliard never mentions women painting up their bodies for ceremony, although she certainly saw and participated in these events. As I have argued elsewhere, Hilliard underestimated the spiritual importance it had for its makers because they did not speak of it. At the end of , the Indonesian technique of batik was taught to the Ernabella craft workers by another teacher — a young American man named Leo Brereton. Radically, he was not a member of the Church — a harbinger of a new era at Ernabella.

The application letter to fund his visit, signed by all the leading craft women — Patjiparan, Nyukana, Tjikalyi, Yipati, Tjuwilya and Tjunkaya — explained that they aimed to produce dress lengths for the tourist trade, for export and for Australian consumption. Subsequently, Hilliard helped the women save from their wages to enable three young women — Jillian Rupert, Nyukana Baker and Yipati Kuyata — to visit the batik research institute in Yogyakarta for three weeks in , to learn directly from Indonesian batik masters.

On their return, they taught their new knowledge to other 32 Hilliard, pers. Another batik teacher, Vivianne Bertelson, visited Ernabella later in and taught wax recipes and more dyeing and waxing techniques. By now, some of the daughters of the original craft girls were employed in the craft room too, having worked there after school.

There were more trips by Hilliard accompanying various batik artists — especially Nyukana Baker and Yipati Kuyata — to Africa and Japan. However, she was also careful, both in her book and in her later writing, to report how the craft girls owned the techniques that they learnt and wanted to pass them on to children.

Watching and imitating was, and is, the way in which Anangu learnt. Becoming fluent in new media gave them freedom to experiment and influenced the way that they worked in other media. This is carried over into the work in the craft room or in any other sphere of employment where it is essential to stress that a task well done is an act of worship.

Annual Report , typescript, p. The leading craft girls were declared Christians. From the start of the craft room until the mids, the mainstay was woollen work. The craft workers learnt to hand spin, scour, dye and weave the sheep wool. Their weaving appears mimetic of European weaving to non-Aboriginal audiences. I learnt during my own research from some of the weavers how at least in retrospect miraculously novel and all-consuming it was for them as they learnt to count with coloured threads to create multicoloured, patterned textiles.

Enabled by Hilliard and the Mission Board, various young craft women went to improve their weaving techniques at the Sturt workshops in Mittagong with courses that lasted up to 20 weeks. It was on her furloughs, leave away from the mission, that Hilliard sought out new media and teachers, so the Sturt workshops had a long relationship with the Ernabella craft room throughout the s and into the early s.

There was the demonstration of skill, but unless the buyer was a spinning connoisseur who could see the expertise inherent in the yarn fibre and weight, this too was lost. Hence, the information sheets that Hilliard created explaining that spinning, at least, was traditional. She did not, however, explain the importance of string for spiritual and religious purposes.

With or without her essays, the weaving must have appeared to buyers as a clear example of successful assimilation. But they also imbued confidence in the demonstrators who learnt, Hilliard noted, that white people did not necessarily possess these skills. Seeing might lead to understanding — an Anangu trope. They continued to demonstrate with batik in later years. Batik, too, was a complex process about which dealers and buyers harboured erroneous ideas, Hilliard found.

Mary White was the new craft adviser on Aboriginal projects to the Crafts Council of Australia in Hilliard did not want to be the resident expert on batik so she never learnt the technique herself. She told me in that she subsequently regretted doing this. There was no way of charging sale prices that took account of the labour that went into the works.

We could not but admire the artistic touch of those who were freely painting cards and those who were working pictures in wool. In trying to do something to give women an interest it is possible that this enterprise is carrying too much overhead expense. This positioning of their efforts as garments and soft furnishings meant that the prices charged could never adequately reflect the immense time and labour that went into each item.

There was an erroneous impression, Hilliard noted, that Aboriginal people could not be innovative and Aboriginal works were expected to be cheap — but if from a mission, even cheaper. Persuading them to change their mind was a preoccupation of much of her later writing in the batik era.

Aboriginal art should accordingly consist of bark paintings and have a story. From the late s to early s, the craft room made increasing trading losses as it eased into a new era of government, rather than mission, subsidy. The relationship of time to money in the craft room came to a head in when the minimum wage rose belatedly in the north-west reserve and necessitated a fall in craft workers to nine at a time when plans for a new craft 53 Nancy Sheppard in conversation with Diana Young, Report of Inspection of Ernabella Mission Rev.

Anderson and Rev. It possessed none of the prerequisites for value transformation that Papunya Tula subsequently had in place. There were few collectors of Ernabella work. There were belated acquisitions by state galleries of batiks in the early s after Hilliard had retired, but little else. Art from Ernabella was not included in the influential Dreamings exhibition of So much explanation was required about the skills involved in making the products because the women did not provide any explanation of the designs.

Instead, the craft workers did; they demonstrated skill and technique. A s label Hilliard wrote says the craft room: aims to providing a viable industry in which the Pitjantjatjara women may be employed and … develop their own indigenous skills, to use with newly acquired knowledge, in the production of high quality craft goods. All wool used in the production of floor rugs and woven articles is hand spun by the women.

The technique is their own ancient one. It was only in the s that there was an Australia-wide move towards Aboriginal arts and crafts as an industry. Hilliard offered a bespoke service to buyers. Although she hoped to deal only with wholesalers by ,65 members of church groups and mission societies could easily write to her asking for the goods they wanted, anticipating a discount on the grounds of their faith.

I think that you must admit that you get fair return for your money. Towards the end of her life, Hilliard became an established commentator on Indigenous batik since she had been part of its start. The National Gallery of Victoria in held a large show of this medium and other textiles to coincide with the 50th and 60th anniversary of Ernabella Arts and produced a lavish accompanying publication. For Hilliard, a task done well equated with spiritual transcendence.

A certain neatness and control of the media was a part of this ideal and came to be the hallmark of Ernabella art works for many decades. If what really engaged her was technical process, in this she happened to coincide with the culturally embedded emphasis of Anangu who deem knowledge as a series of processes that must follow in the right order and in the right way to be effective.

Like Geoffrey Bardon, Hilliard did not see herself as central to the Ernabella arts history,71 but she did position herself within the narrative using her photo albums, collections and museum donations. She 69 Hilliard a: This lack of aesthetic emphasis is one reason that the Ernabella craft and art did not transform in value; it did not have keen wealthy collectors nor develop any widespread connoisseurship despite the quality control that Hilliard imposed upon it.

Nor did she peddle primitivism. Not until the s did Indigenous acrylic painting transcend both nationalism and Aboriginality, according to Myers,76 but batik has not quite made it through into this new space. There is no secondary auction market for batik. The current reverence for craft and the handmade and the influence of recent writing on making in anthropology indicate that perhaps a rethinking of early Ernabella craft is possible.

It left a vacuum for critical dialogue about what is a remarkable tale. The narrative of Ernabella art and craft that Hilliard constructed was based on new media and its teachers — a particular colonisation of technique that the Papunya Tula painters have transcended. The craft room was — and continues to be — stigmatised by the worthiness and stasis attributed to mid-twentieth-century mission production.

In contrast, the rhetoric surrounding the male Papunya Tula painters, positioned as realising an almost revolutionary cultural imperative to express their secret sacred knowledge, is entirely different. Aboriginal cultural production is evidently promoted and constrained by 73 Myers Some historians have begun to critically examine mission histories but, in their efforts to promote contemporary art as expressive purely of sacred spiritual ties to country, Aboriginal art centre managers tend to distance themselves from this history.

Hilliard did give to the craft women and girls the possibilities for self-realisation and self-expansion, an intersubjective engagement with non-Aboriginal people. For example, in a lecture given in Osaka, she said: Significantly it was the Aboriginal who stepped over the cultural boundaries when Albert Namatjira portrayed his lovely homeland in European style art. It was then that the white population looked beyond its own boundaries and began to see.

Today, the top-earning artists on the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Lands are senior men with their ability to access and portray their own sacred knowledge in their work. With thanks to the late Deaconess Winifred Hilliard OM, and to Marianne Riphagen for providing the stimulus for me to think about cultural brokering. Berndt, Ronald M. Stocking ed. Gould, Richard A. Love, James R. Minutjukur, M. Myers ed. Partos, Louise ed. Strehlow, Ted G. Sutton ed.

Tjala Arts ed. Yengoyan, Aram A. Winifred M. For nos. Nathan, [] , commentary and music. KOO-EE is an Australian expression equivalent to our English hallo , and in the like manner used by the aborigines and natives to call any person from afar; but from the acuteness of tone which its correct enunciation affords, its sound can be carried to much greater distance than our hallo.

The koo-ee is peculiar to all the Australian Colonies, and appears to be a term unknown in every other part of the world. It is really surprising to observe a sailor at sea, draw attention for several miles off, by the remarkable shrill sound of his koo-ee ; and it is equally astonishing to hear at what great distance the koo-ee travels on land.

The mode of giving the koo-ee is simple enough - which is by merely pausing for a considerable time a la crescendo , on some acute note in the falsetto , and then letting the voice sink or rather glide to its ocatve below. Altho' the koo-ee as already noticed is known throughout Australia, yet the manner of its intonation varies in different districts - the natives of Port Philip, for instance, commence on on some grave note in the voce di petto , and then glidingly raise the voice into the falsetto , one or two octaves and often a seventeenth above.

We have thus far, to the best of our ability, explained the general mode of producing the koo-ee , but there is a more delicate soul-stirring koo-ee , to describe which, the sensitive mind - and the heart that can feel for the sorrows of a fellow being cannot fail to understand: it is the wailing koo-ee of distress - the agonizing cry for help, to the heart-rending, plaintive, melancholy tones of which we have listened until we became as children over excited by the bitterness of grief.

Hence it is clear that the melody of the koo-ee , varies with the different passions which excite its intonation. We have indeed traced the melody of the koo-ee , nearly through every progression of the diatonic and chromatic scales. Sydney: John Davis, []. Video recording of live performance by Elizabeth Connell , London, November Peter Cunningham, Two years in New South Wales: comprising sketches of the actual state of society in that colony. In calling to each other at a distance, they make use of the word Coo-ee as we do the word Hollo , prolonging the sound of the coo , and closing that of the ee with a shrill jerk.

This mode of call is found to be so infinitely preferable to the Hollo , both on account of its easier pronunciation and the great distance at which it can be heard, as to have become of general use throughout the colony; and a new comer, in desiring an individual to call another back, soon learns to say " Coo-ee to him," instead of " Hollo to him". Louis de Freycinet, Voyage autour du monde entrepris par ordre du Roi. NOTE: There is at least one extant copy of this edition see New York Public Library exemplar that incorrectly gives the year of publication as ; correctly The performer dwells for about half a minute [sic] upon one note, and then raises his voice to the octave.

It can be heard at a great distance. Edward E. Nicole Saintilan, "Music - if so it may be called": perception and response in the documentation of Aboriginal music in nineteenth century Australia M. Mus thesis, University of New South Wales, , Graeme Skinner, Toward a general history of Australian musical composition: first national music, c. James Backhouse Walker , surmised that "a sound like to trumpet or small gong" heard by Abel Tasman's party in Tasmania in was 'probably a cooey'". In , John Hunter reported: "We called to them in their own manner, by frequently repeating the word Cow-ee, which signifies, come here" Hunter , Both analyses adopt Hunter's gloss "come here" , although a number of the sources suggest that the expression was more a generic signal indicating one's presence and location and soliciting the same kind of response from others.

Freycinet , , for example, says that "ce signal. Cunningham v. On [2 December ], early in the morning, the boat was sent to explore, and entered a bay a good 4 miles to the north-west Blackman's Bay. The boat was absent all day, and returned in the evening with a quantity of green-stuff which was found fit to cook for vegetables.

The crew reported that they had rowed some miles after passing through the entrance to the bay now known as the Narrows. They had heard human voices, and a sound like a trumpet or small gong probably a cooey , but had seen no one. Dixon, W. Song known to have been sung by Wangal and perhaps also Cadigal people, the words separately transcribed in or around Sydney by William Dawes c. Music and words transcribed by Edward Jones , from two Wangal men, Woollarawarre Bennelong c.

He [Bennelong] calls Governor Phillip, Beanga father ; and names himself Dooroow son : the judge and commissary [David Collins] he calls Babunna brother. He sings a great deal, and with much variety: the following are some words which were caught -. London: Printed for T. Cadell Jun. Davies, , Words of a Song: Mang-en-ny-wau-yen-go-nah, bar-ri-boo-lah, bar-re-mah. This they begin at the top of their voices, and continue as long as they can in one breath, sinking to the lowest note, and then rising again to the highest.

The words are the names of deceased persons. Edward Jones, Musical curiosities; or, a selection of the most characteristic national songs, and airs; many of which were never before published: consisting of Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, Danish, Lapland, Malabar, New South Wales, French, Italian, Swiss, and particularly some English and Scotch national melodies, to which are added, variations for the harp, or the piano-forte, and most humbly inscribed, by permission, to her royal highness the princess Charlotte of Wales.

London: Printed for the author, , 15 music and words. Facsimile in Smith , [n. The subject of the Song, is in praise of their Lovers; and when they Sang, it seem'd indispensible to them to have two sticks, one in each hand to beat time with the Tune; one end of the left stick rested on the ground, while the other in the right hand was used to beat against it, according to the time of the notes.

Facsimile below, of source song only exemplar London, British Library, R. The same Harmonized with a Bass, by the Editor. Facsimile below, of Jones's arrangement "variation for the harp, or the piano-forte" only exemplar London, British Library, R. Melody and rhythm as transcribed by Edward Jones, Jones , synthesised using bass woodwind sounds as approximations for voices, Australharmony ; for ease of comparison see images below from Engel , Page 7 of the pdf has an embedded sound file of Barrabu-la c.

Carl Engel, An introduction to the study of national music: comprising researches into popular songs, traditions, and customs London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, , see music images below. In the following song of the natives of New South Wales we have a succession of diatonic intervals in descending.

Edward Jones states that this air "was written down from the singing of Benelong and Yamroweny, the two chiefs who were brought to England, some years ago, from Botany Bay, by Governor Phillips. The subject of their song is in praise of their lovers; and when they sang, it seemed indispensable to them to have two sticks, one in each hand, to beat time with the tune; one end of the left-hand stick rested on the ground, while the other in the right hand was used to beat against it, according to the time of the notes.

The first native song was published by Mr. Edward Jones of London in , in "Musical Curiosities. Richard Wallaschek, Primitive music: an inquiry into the origin and development of music, songs, instruments, dances, and pantomimes of savage races London; New York: Longmans, Green, and Co. Bonwick quotes two Australian songs borrowed from B.

Field and Edward Jones, which are said to be "similar" to the Tasmanian. Moyle, "Tasmanian music, an impasse? Page 1 has facsimile of Jones , 15, and page 7 embedded sound file of a performance of the song by Indigenous singers in Sydney see sound above. The music and words of this song were taken down by Edward Jones , a Welsh harpist, in London in mid from the singing of Bennelong and Yemmerrawanne , the two Wangal men who had been brought from Sydney to England by Arthur Phillip.

The words were also separately transcribed in or around Sydney by William Dawes c. Keith Vincent Smith reliably fixed the performance at sometime between late May and October , at or near the singers' then lodgings, in the house of William Waterhouse father of Henry Waterhouse at Mount Street, Mayfair, near Berkeley Square, London.

Jones, of whose industry, as a gleaner of national music, we have often had occasion to speak, has furnished, in the present collection, a great number of popular, and some exceedingly curious, foreign and domestic airs. The whole occupies forty-two folio pages, and forms a body of variegated and well chosen melodies, that do much credit to the selector's judgment, and will be found highly acceptable to the public.

By 6 July , the two 'Natives' had moved from their original lodging house to the residence of Mr. They continued to have the services of a servant and their clothes were mended and washed as required. Books were acquired and a 'Reading Master' and a 'Writing Master' were hired to school the two men in those subjects. The education of his guests had always been the intention of Governor Phillip for, once they understood English, 'much information' could be obtained from them.

For no. Chant" "song". Air de danse" "dance song". Jean Fornasiero and John West-Sooby, "Cross-cultural inquiry in musical performance on the Baudin expedition to Australia", in Kate Darian-Smith and Penelope Edmonds eds , Conciliation on colonial frontiers: conflict, performance, and commemoration in Australia and the Pacific rim New York and Oxford: Routledge, , especially Page 24 reproduces?

A higher quality colour reproduction of a manuscript fair copy of Bernier's transcription of 3. Noted down by members of Nicolas Baudin's expedition in NSW, Winter and Spring , and added by Lesueur and Petit to the second edition of their Atlas ; some general details of the visit are discussed in the text of volume 1 of the set Peron and Freycinet Music and words transcribed from unidentified singers, probably in the Sydney region, probably c. Scotland, c.

Dharug language. Wa ha bin deh bang ha nel ha Wa ha bin deh bang ha nel ha Wa ha bin deh bang ha nel ha Hoh hoh hoh hoh hoh hoh. Melody only, synthesised using bass woodwind sounds as approximations for voices; synthesised sound file, Australharmony In November , while searching on likely word strings for possible Australian material in the digital music archive of the National Library of Scotland, I stumbled across this elsewhere undocumented and previously unrecognised source of an early colonial transcription of the words and music of an Australian Indigenous song.

So far as I have been able to establish July , no one has previously registered its existence part from the NLS's own autoscanners and cataloguers. So, as another example of a very early transcription and arrangement of melody and words of an Indigenous song, it seems, for Australian music history, to be an entirely new find.

Wales", it appears as number 36 of 79 extant items Nos in an unidentified and possibly incomplete page mixed collection of airs and duets with instrumental basses, instrumental dances, and three- and four-part glees and rounds, lacking a titlepage or any other indication of its origins. As well as familiar English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish numbers, there are also 2 carols from the Orkneys, some Russian dances, numerous French and German songs in the original languages, the widely occurring Death Song of the Cherokees, and a keyboard arrangement of an "Hindoostan Air" called Dandee Kala, which had appeared previously as as "Dande ka la" in Bird's Oriental Miscellany One item fixes the collection's publication date at no earlier than There the same Runa appears on page as the first items in an extensive music supplement to the second volume, signed at the end " Engrav'd by E.

A comparison of shows that the two are not only musically identical but also similar enough in format and detail for both to be the work of Edward Riley Having already engraved it for Acrebi's book, he plausibly included it again in this collection, either to be issued under his own imprint, or perhaps engraved by him for another publisher.

If so, since Riley sold up his music retail and publishing business and left London for New York by possibly earlier , and assuming that this collection was indeed as most likely published in Britain, we could date the unidentified collection certainly to after , and probably to before The earliest music-and-words transcription of an Indigenous Australian song known to survive is A song of the natives of New South Wales see 2 above , taken down in London in from the singing of Bennelong and Yemmeroweney; however, Jones published it only 18 years later, in Likewise, the three music-and-words transcriptions taken down by members of the Baudin expedition in see 1 above and 3 above were not published until So, if not the earliest taken down, it is, unless another so far unknown early example is belatedly discovered, the earliest in print, probably by at least five or six years.

Of the otherwise unidentified "Officer from N. Wales" by whom the "air and words were brought over" from New South Wales back to Britian, a retiring member of the NSW Corps, or a returning naval officer, are possible candidates. Despite the fact that the song appears to have been imperfectly observed and somewhat remodelled, the melodic contour and the short, repeated text seem to be at least vestigially authentic.

Special collections of printed music digitised , Glen and Inglis collections of printed music, National Library of Scotland. London: W. Hill, , England, ; d. Yonkers, NY, 18 Aug Music and words for 5. Words of 5. Source and documentation 5. La coutume est de danser ainsi la nuit autour d'un feu, toutes les. Pendant ces korroberis, les femmes chantent en battant la mesure avec deux morceaux de bois.

Field, et les no. Instrumens de musique. Danse du Kanguroo" "Kangaroo dance". NOTE: For the remaining text see 2 above. Davies, , 5. E-i-ah wan-ge-wah, chian-go, wan-de-go. The words of another song, sung in the same manner as the preceding, and of the same meaning. I met with only two or three words which bore a resemblance to any other language. I had long wished to be a witness of a family party, in which I hoped and expected to see them divested of that restraint which perhaps they might put on in our houses.

I was one day gratified in this wish when I little expected it. Having strolled down to the Point named Too-bow-gu-lie, I saw the sister and the young wife of Ben-nil-long coming round the Point in the new canoe which the husband had cut in his last excursion to Parramatta.

They had been out to procure fist, and were keeping time with their paddles, responsive to [] the words of a song, in which they joined with much good humour and harmony. They were almost immediately joined by Ben-nil-long, who had his sister's child on his shoulders.

The canoe was hauled on shore, and what fish they had caught the women brought up. I observed that the women seated themselves at some little distance from Ben-nil-long, and then the group was thus disposed of - the husband was seated on a rock, preparing to dress and eat the fish he had just received. On the same rock lay his pretty sister War-re-weer asleep in the sun, with a new born infant in her arms; and at some little distance were seated, rather below him, his other sister and his wife, the wife opening and eating some rock-oysters, and the sister suckling her child, Kah-dier-rang, whom she had taken from Ben-nil-long.

As they never make provision for the morrow, except at a whale-feast, they always eat as long as they have any thing left to eat, and when satisfied, stretch themselves out in the sun to sleep, where they remain until hunger or some other cause calls them again into action.

I have at times observed a great degree of indolence in their dispositions, which I have frequently seen the men indulge at the expence of the weaker vessel the women, who have been forced to sit in their canoe, exposed to the fervour of the mid-day sun, hour after hour, chaunting their little song, and inviting the fish beneath them to take their bait; for without a sufficient quantity to make a meal for their tyrants, who were lying asleep at their ease, they would meet but a rude reception on their landing.

Cadell and W. As they never make provision for the morrow, except at a whale-feast, they always eat as long as they have any thing left, and when satistied, stretch themfelves out in the sun to sleep, where they remain until hunger or some other cause calls them again into action. The men frequently indulge a great degree of indolence at the expence of the women, who are compelled to sit in their canoe, exposed to the fervour of the mid-day sun, hour after hour, chaunting their little song, and inviting the fish beneath them to take their bait; for without a sufficient quantity to make a meal for their tyrants, who are lying asleep at their ease, they would meet but a rude reception on their landing.

Carl Engel, An introduction to the study of national music: comprising researches into popular songs, traditions, and customs London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, , music image above. The Kangaroo dance of the natives of Australia is performed by the men only, while the women are singing and beating time by striking two pieces of wood together.

The dancers imitate the grunting of the kangaroo, whereby they produce a kind of bass to the singing of the women, as shown in the following notation, which is taken from Freycinet's "Voyage autour du Monde. Hubert H. Reproduces, without title, first four bars of melody of 1 Kangaroo dance from Engel Five music examples were printed in Freycinet's published account of his return visit to Australia 19 November to 26 December , but of these only nos.

As noted in the respective entries, nos. Freycinet's accompanying account of Indigenous music making, and "korroberis" also draws partly on some later sources, such as Dawson cited by Freycinet elsewhere, though not specifically in this instance. In his account of this visit, Freycinet recorded social and scientific contacts with Macquarie, Field, and many leading colonists.

But in preparing the printed account, he also noted more recent reports from the s of music in the theatre and concerts among the dilettanti and in school education Kangaroo songs and dances were widely documented, from Tasmania to Western Australia, for instance:. Checklist Bonwick 31 claimed, on no evidence other than that Kangaroo dances were also performed in Tasmania, that the Kangaroo dance melody from Freycinet is "a true Tasmanian tune of the oldest date".

There are two other, much earlier transcriptions of words of the fishing song, 5. The Officers accompanying Captain Frecinet, who 17 years ago visited this Colony, as we are given to understand with Commodore Baudin, on his voyage of discovery into these seas with the Geographe and Naturaliste , are Gentlemen of the most kind and polished manners; which mention may be considered as a redundancy of expression as affects the Gentlemen of any Nation; but the descriptive writer cannot avoid observations which are so pleasing to the polished circle, and accord so sensibly with the feelings of a refined and liberal Nation.

Sailed this day to resume her voyage of discovery, the French corvette l'Uranie, commanded by Monsieur Freycinet. On getting under weigh, she saluted the fort, which was returned by the battery from Dawes' Point. Robert Dawson, The present state of Australia a description of the country, its advantages and prospects, with reference to emigration: and a particular account of the manners, customs, and condition of its Aboriginal inhabitants London: Smith, Elder, Music and words no translation transcribed by Barron Field , from the singing of Harry c.

From the neighbourhood of our settlements we have scared the kangaroo and the emu, and left these poor lords of the creation no created food but a few opossums, and a tenancy in common with us of fish. Together with their numbers, their customs and manners are in a state of decay. But the corrobory , or night-dance, still obtains.

This festivity is performed in very good time and not unpleasing tune. The song is sung by a few males and females, who take no part in the dance. One of the band beats time by knocking one stick against another.

The music begins with a high note, and gradually sinks to the octave, whence it rises again immediately to the top. I took down the following Australian national melody from Harry, who married Carangarang, the sister of the celebrated Bennilong; and I believe it to be the first that was ever reduced to writing. The dancers breathe in chorus like paviours, and the general step consists in opening the knees with a convulsive shake to the music; but occasionally they thrid the mazes of one another without any confusion.

They stripe themselves down the waist, and paint their faces with [] white clay and red ochre; and in compliment to European delicacy, wear boughs round their loins. The glare of large fires gives a picturesque effect to the savage scene, and the dance works up the performers to a sublime enthusiasm.

I have been thus minute, because in a few years perhaps even the corrobory will be no more. When all thy simple race is extinct, thy name, gentle and wellbred Harry! Our courtiers say, all's savage but at court; but of this, at least, I am sure, that thou wert the most courte-[]-ous savage that ever bade good morrow. Compliments are difficult things to an unpractised tongue; but thou wert naturally polite; and I-owe thee, at least, this poor return for the grace and dignity of thy compliments.

And thou too, Cogy! Very pleasant wert thou to me, Cogy, when pleasures with me were very rare. As Field indicated, this was merely a reprint of the article Field ; but he neither noted nor explained the reason for the change of the repeated first word of the song text from I-ah in , to A-bang in According to Wilkes, Joseph Drayton claimed to have obtained the songs given as examples 2, 3, and 4 from "a native, who was on his way with the new song [presumably no 2] to his tribe".

Whether this is in fact true of no. D thesis, Sydney Conservatorium of Music, University of Sydney, , 11, 43, 47, , , , Air australien des sauvages de la terre d'Arnheim". BMI music region ;? Australian language. Ils sont cependant curieux de voir si notre peau et nos habits ne font qu'un. La musique aussi a quelque attrait pour eux.

It is not known when, or indeed whether Domeny de Rienzi actually set foot in Northern Australia; but he had reportedly arrived at Bombay, via the Red Sea, as early as late Arnhem Land is the most linguistically complex and diverse region in Australia. It is home to numerous non-Pama-Nyungan languages as well as members of the Pama-Nyungan Yongu group, so it is impossible even to speculate which language or language group the music might be associated with.

Lhotsky ; but see in bibliography Troy and Barwick Lhotsky, colonist N. Ackerman's Repository of Arts, Strand, [] ; "I. Austin, Litho'r, Sydney". Kongi kawelgo yuere congi kawelgo yuere Kuma gi koko kawelgo kumagi kaba koma gi koko komagi koko kabelgo koma gi kaba komagi yuere. Unprotected race of people, Unprotected all we are; And our children shrink so fastly; Unprotected why are we?

Lhotsky; the execution is as good as could be expected in a rough draft and first attempt, and a little polishing will probably present to the public a very fair specimen of Lithography; we would suggest a Vignette to be composed of a native chief, and the Doctor and his Horse in the attitude usually given to the Three Graces!

Subscription list 2s 6d. The next sheet of the Australian Alps expedition is now in the press, and will be published in a few days. Published at this establishment. A Journey from Sydney to the Australian Alps. The collaborating at this song of such able musicians as Pearson, Josephson and Sippe demonstrate clearly that it is neither as some of my enemies say a Portuguese air, nor any thing else than a wild air, carrying however a great depth of feeling.

Several families having expressed their wishes to buy this Air for their children, its present price at Sydney is one shilling and sixpence. Castlereagh-street, near Hunter-street, Nov. Just received, and on Sale at the Courier Office, Collins-street; price 1s. A Song of the women of the Menero tribe, near the Australian Alps - arranged with the assistance of several Musical Gentlemen for the voice and piano forte - most humbly inscribed as the first specimen of Australian music, to her most gracious Majesty Adelaide, Queen of Great Britain and Hanover, by Dr.

Lhotsky, Colonist, New South Wales. On Wednesday night, Dr. Lhotsky made his appearance, to give his long promised lecture, on the stage of the new Theatre. The Doctor certainly has more self possession than any man we ever knew and he did humbug the people very much. Although the music was a treat well worth the whole price of admission.

But we can tell the Doctor it will not do another time, unless he tries some new scheme, he must get "an Andrew" in addition to his Demons, sing his Menaro native song, and announce all in the bills of the performance, or the people good natured as they are will not be again humbugged out of their, time and their money too.

John Lhotsky, colonist, N. Wales, F. Bavaria, etc. Sydney: Sold by J. Innes, bookseller, Pitt-street; London: By commission at R. Ackerman's Repository of Arts, Strand, , incomplete at end , see especially As it soon after became one of those supernatural Australian full moon nights, I confidently expected that a Corrohery a dance and song would be performed.

Without fear of the "not budged you" I proceeded again with some tobacoo in my pockets to their camp, where they were painting themselves with white clay and red ochre. However the dance could not commence before the affair with the wild blacks was terminated.

We were all in expectation of the things to come. But as I am in no case fond of long waiting, I soon returned to my tent, leaving Walker behind to tell me the sequel of the story. He informed me, that a short [45] time after, the wild blacks few in number were heard and that he was hidden by the people in the camp under a large piece of bark, to prevent his being injured. Probably our tribe was too numerous for their enemies, and the only hostility committed was, that a few Bauerings a sort of crooked wooden projectile were thrown into the camp as the enemy passed by.

After this the Corrobery began, to which I listened, pleasantly extended on my cloak. Their strain was in time, which they marked by beating crotchets, and in moments of greater excitement, quavers. I will hereafter describe a like scene I witnessed near the Alps, and give the music and words of one of our Papua songs, which for majestic and deep melancholy, would not dishonor a Beethoven or a Handel. The tones weakened by degrees, the tones died away, and grand silence and setherial clearness tilled the Plain and all the wilderness about my camp.

Sunday 26th Jan. The road tended now towards Mr. Kennedy's farm, about which Granite is the predominant formation. The Aboriginal father, a native song of the Maneroo Tribe. Nathan Sydney: T. Bluett, Litho[grapher], []. Our Tribes droop by each Native stream Where the founts which have fed them lie; And White Man's fire sends forth its gleam, O'er the Balwan [2] where they die. And thou my boy! A stranger's eye will crush the burst Of a Warrior's lament o'er thee.

Death clouds. I was favored with a lithographic copy of this beautiful pathetic melody, so deformed and mutilated by false rhyme, so disguised in complete masquerade, by false basses and false harmony, that I cast it from me with no small share of regret at the poor chance thus afforded me of adding any thing in favor of the claim of the Aborigines to the pages of musical history.

My astonishment, however, a short time afterwards, was only equalled by the delight I experienced at hearing the same melody sung in all its genuine purity and simplicity, by one of the Maneroo tribe. I at once discovered the key to its latent rhyme and excellent scope for good basses and rich transitions and progressions of harmony. There is in the first four bars of this melody, so striking an affinity to one of Handel's compositions, that those who are acquainted with the works of that great master might find difficulty in divesting themselves of the belief, that the Aborigines had been guilty of piracy: sceptics on that point however may remove all doubt from their minds, when they reflect on the little probability of any one of these sable-faced gentlemen ever having graced Drury Lane or Covent Garden, by the sunshine of their polished countenances, to witness the performance of Handel's Oratorios.

I have in early life read of a gruntling in company with its accomplished mamma who, unlike Selwyn in search of a daughter, or Japhet in search of a father, flew, with all the epicurean taste of a gourmand, across the Atlantic, after the more fascinating allurements of the calipash and calipee; and we have all been made acquainted with full particulars of Mohawne's journey to heaven on his ass Al.

Borak ; but as we have no authenticated record of either the Loobras ["Loobra" - A girl] or Gins ["Gin" - A wife] of the Aborigines taking flight to England for the purpose of engaging composers, and of selecting sacred music from the works of Handel for their antipodal words, we must give them credit for originality, and prevent hostile proceedings in the Court of Chancery against them, by way of injunction for their seeming infringement on the laws of copy-right.

As to the affinity of the four bars alluded to, to Handel's song, we must exclaim with Bowdick, that there can be no stronger proof of the musical powers of these beings, nor of the nature of Handel's compositions.

For the satisfaction of the curious I take leave to subjoin the following quotation from Bowdick's [sic] mission to Ashantee, page At times one deep and hollow note burst forth and became broken; presently he looked up, pursuing all the actions of a maniac, whilst the one hand continued playing, he rung forth a peal which vibrated on the ear long after it was produced; he became silent, the running accompaniment revived again, as a prelude to loud recitative, uttered witli the greatest volubility, and ending with one word, on which he ascended and descended divisions far beyond the extent in pitch of his harp, with the most beautiful precision.

Sometimes be became more collected, and a mournful air succeeded the recitative without the least connexion, and he would again burst out with the whole force of his powerful voice in the notes of the Hallelujah Chorus of Handel. To meet with this chorus in the wilds of Africa and from such a being, had such an effect I can scarcely describe; I was lost in astonishment at the coincidence: there could not be a stronger proof of the nature of Handel nor of the powers of the negro.

I naturally enquired if this man was in his senses, and the reply was, he was always rational but when he played, at which time he invariably used the same gestures and evinced the same incoherency. Murray, , Nathan had earlier this passage in his Musurgia vocalis: an essay on the history and theory of music London: Fentum, , Nathan, versified from the original words by Mrs.

Dunlop, dedicated by Mr. Nathan to the Mayoress. Among the many compositions with which Mr. Nathan has favoured us during his residence in Australia, none has pleased us more than the above song: it is in every respect worthy of the composer of the Hebrew Melodies. The melody in D minor is very beautiful, and capable of great effects from harmonization.

Nathan has realised all these in the most judicious and scientific style. The air was taken by Mr. Nathan from one of the Maneroo tribe, but it certainly savours strongly of the compositions of Handel and Neukomm. Nathan is struck by this, and to save his black vocalists from the charge of plagiarism, enters into an amusing effusion by way of preface.

It appears that we may yet discover much reason to be proud of our aboriginal composers, as the first four bars of this their own melody, is identical with four bars composed by the greatest musician that ever lived-and that, long before any white man came to live in these parts. But if this native melody is worthy of Handel, the arrangement by Mr.

Nathan is no less so,-and we feel confident that it will be admired long after we of the present age have done with these matters. Many persons labour under the error that good music is necessarily complicated and difficult: the above song of Mr.

Nathan's may undeceive them. It is replete with scientific progressions and combinations, and may he performed by any player who can count three in a bar. There are others who fancy that scientific harmonization is only to be appreciated by the musical theorist, - let them compare this song by Mr.

Nathan with a former arrangement of the same air by another composer. We hope to see the "Aboriginal Father" an universal favourite, as the study of music of this sort must beget a correct taste for the science. The music put into rythm and harmonised by I.

THE publication in quick succession of these Australian melodies this is No. We do not mean to say that each of these melodies: is without the name of a patron or patroness on the title page, but if we are not misinformed, the author has in most cases found it "a name and nothing more. The songs that preceded it, under the title of "Australian Melodies," had all some marks of science and skill, but this is truly a harmonic gem, which Handel himself might have been proud to own.

The melody is not here published for the first time It was given to the world some years ago by Dr. Lhotsky, but in a very unattractive state, from the absurd harmonies with which it was accompanied. Those who have seen it before will barely recognise it now, and they will be very agreeably surprised at the metamorphosis it has undergone.

The English words added by Mrs. Dunlop are pretty, and relate but "o'er true a tale. The shadow on the brow, my chlld, Like a mist o'er the clear lagoon, Steals on with presage dim and wild, Of the death cloud's direful gloom.

Our tribes droop by each native stream, Where the forests which have fed them lie, And white man's fire sends forth its gleam, O'er the batwan where they die. And thou my boy the last - the first Green leaf of a smould'ring tree, A stranger's eye will crush the burst, Of a warrior's lament o'er thee. Poetess, Mrs, Dunlop. Composer, J. Nathan has forwarded us a copy of "The Aboriginal Father.

Competent judges speak in high terms of the composer's merits. In a note prefixed to the song, the author [Nathan] says: -. As to the affinity of the four bars alluded to, to Handel's song, we must exclaim with Bowdick, that there can be no stronger proof of the musical powers of these beings, nor of the nature or Handel's compositions. Isaac Nathan, The southern Euphrosyne, and Australian miscellany: containing oriental moral tales, original anecdote, poetry and music Sydney: I. Nathan, [] , On our arrival in Australia, we felt anxious for the honor.

The plaintive wild aboriginal melody before mentioned, was sung by the Maneroo tribe to the following native words: "Koon-gi koon-gi kawel-gho yueree, koon-gi kawel-gho yueree, Kooma-gi ko ko kawel-gho koomagi ka-ba kooma-gi ko ko Kooma-gi ko ko kawel-gho koomagi ka-ba kooma-gi yue-ree. Dunlop, the talented writer of several elegant poems.

This Lady kindly favoured us with the subjoined characteristic stanzas - versified from the original words. We regret that our Euphrosyne's appearance cannot now be delayed for a new edition of this melody, which we published a few years ago, but we look forward to the time when, if it should please the great geometrician of the universe to permit us to visit some land of civilization, where science and literature may hold a small portion of conversation in the drawing room, as well as lambs wool and mutton fat, to re-publish this beautiful native air, with several other extraordinary musical relics - which, but for our timely arrival in this Colony, might for ever have sunk into oblivion.

These poor children of the forest had not a Scarlatti, a Leo, a Vinci, a Sarro, a Hasse, a Porpora, a Feo, an [ ], or a Pergolese [sic] to lay a foundation for composing music to express words - with an Apostolo, a Zeno, and a Metastasio at their elbows, to furnish poems replete with purity and eloquence, to inspire them with corresponding energetic or pathetic melodies - nor had they the equally celebrated professors who succeeded those geniuses, to improve on their style of composition, such as Jomelli, Piccini, Sacchini, Guglielmi, Traetta, Anfossi, Terradellas, Paisiello, Cimarosa and others, no, they had not the benefit of such exquisite polish of art - but they had, and they still have, their composers or inventors of songs, possessing that glorious gift of God, instinct, which enables them to express their passions of joy and sorrow in melody, founded on sounds laid down in the divine law of nature, making those sounds as it were an echo of the sense of their words.

We here allude to those true sounds given to us by the laws of nature, such as major and minor tones, with other intervals and minute portions of sound, the intonation of which cannot possibly be produced on our present imperfect tho' beautifully constructed Organ and Piano Forte, but which may he produced to perfection on the Violin, in the hands of that profound musician, who possesses the gift of expression with masterly execution.

But to return to the aborigines. We can easily imagine how the ear that has been cultivated to the temperament of our arti-[]-ficial tones of an Organ or Piano Forte, may be dissatisfied with the true and perfect sound of nature - and consequently make every allowance for the abuse that has been lavished on the vocal capabilities of these sable characters.

But we are a little skilled in the science of acoustics, and with that little, have by comparing the mathematical proportions of sound of the ancient Greeks in the days of Aristoxenus, Pythagoras, and others; with the intonation of the aborigines of Australia, discovered beauties, which in some of their native airs are worthy of our strictest attention: and which we shall for the glory of musical tradition transmit as relics to the British Museum. We regret that our limited fount of music type, and the little time left us for publication - will deprive us of the satisfaction we should have experienced, in laying all the beautiful native melodies we have collected before our readers, in the present work; - but we do trust at some future period to send them forth to the musical world, where it is hoped for the honor of the intellectual race of the creation, they will be appreciated.

Field, pag. There was a fair attendance at the Women's College Loan Exhibition on Saturday, considering the adverse nature of the weather. The song of the women of the Menero tribe stated to be the first piece of music published in Sydney. The first piece of music published in Australia was composed by Dr. Lhotsky, published by John Innes, Pitt street, Sydney.

Arundel Orchard, Music in Australia: more than years of development Melbourne: Georgian House, , 7, modern edition, melody and words only. Roger Covell, Australia's music: themes of a new society Melbourne: Sun Books, , 67, music example 21b. Harold Hort, "An aspect of interaction between Aboriginal and western music in the songs of Isaac Nathan", Miscellanea musicologica: Adelaide Studies in Musicology 12 , , Robert Etheridge, Contributions to a catalogue of works, reports, and papers on the anthropology, ethnology, and geological history of the Australian and Tasmanian Aborigines.

Charles H. Harold Hort, "An aspect of interaction between Aboriginal and western music in the songs of Isaac Nathan", Miscellanea musicologica: Adelaide Studies in Musicology 12 , Earliest words only transcription, by George Augustus Robinson , 13 August , several other later independent words only transcriptions. Music and words transcribed by Maria Logan , Hobart area, or 2 unpublished MS copies,? Also, listed separately as Logan earlier MS. Walker, who collected another similar version of the text in , noted that it was "a popular song among all the [Tasmanian] aboriginal tribes, of which I have not obtained the meaning, it being involved by them in some mystery" Moyle , 2.

George Augustus Robinson, journal, 13 August ; Plomley , , route map 18 , note Self busy in writing. Pm, the native men returned loaded with kangaroo and swans' eggs. The chief said there was a tree over the Brougham River where the natives cross. Today wrote down one of the native songs: [note ] the tune is very pleasing but the language is indelicate. ER Repeat five times. NER to clean the wobbeltenn Repeat five times. LE BAL. HOO Repeat twice.

ER PAP. ER LUR. NE LUR. ER NAR. ER BUE. ER BAL. DIM George Washington Walker, journal, 15 October ; ed. Walker, ed. Walker, F. A popular song among all the aboriginal tribes, of which I have not obtained the meaning, it being involved by them in some mystery -. Nyna nara pewilly para pewilly pallawoo! It is there entitled "Aboriginal Verses in honour of a Great Chief," sung as an accompaniment to a native dance or Biawe.

Plomley gives the above extract from Walker's journal, but,? Spent the evening at Logan's in Macquarie Street. Logan ; manuscript, copy,? Popela ranea gonne ne popela ranea gone ne na lea me gonne a lea me gonne a to kea me gun ne a to kea me gun ne a lea me gun ne a lea me gun ne a ni na te pea ra nea po ne na ni na te pea ra nea po ne na ni na te pea ra ne ni na na re bu wil la pa ne na ra bur wil la bal la hoo!

Above, a "cleaned" fascimile of the earlier manuscript, first published in Moyle , unnumbered plate between pages 10 and Synthesised sound file, Logan earlier MS corrected , Australharmony The following is a song of the Ben Lomond tribe; I cannot translate it, nor, could I do so, is the subject very select:. Ne popila raina pogana, Ne popila raina pogana, Ne popila raina pogana. Thu me gunnea, Thu me gunnea, Thu me gunnea. Naina thaipa raina pogana, Naina thaipa raina pogana, Naina thaipa raina pogana.

Kiara paara powella paara, Naara paara powella paara, Naara paara powella paara. Toka mengha leah, Toka mengha leah, Toka mengha leah! Lugha mengha leah, Lugha mengha leah, Lugha mengha leah! Nena nawra pewyllah, Pallah nawra pewyllah, Pellawah, Pellawah! Nena nawra pewyllah, pallah nawra pewyllah, Pellawah, Pellawah!

Manuscript, copy, s, at University of Tasmania Library the catalogue record dates this sketch MS to This later copy appeared to have been made, c. One of those social reunions which have popularised the Y. Association to the general public took place last evening at the Wesleyan Sunday schoolroom.

A Tasmanian Aboriginal song, contributed by the Rev. Price, who accompanied himself on a bell, proved highly amusing and aceptable. Hermann B. Ritz, "An introduction to the study of the Aboriginal speech of Tasmania read November 16, ", Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania , Murray Longman, "Songs of the Tasmanian aborigines as recorded by Mrs.

Brian Plomley ed. Plomley ed. Music and words collected? Deas Thomson. Nathan, by a highly respectable merchant of this Colony, and its authenticity identified and fully established by several native blacks. We were much delighted with some of Mr.

Nathan's new Australian Melodies, which we had on this occasion an opportunity of hearing performed under his own direction. This melody and words are aboriginal; in the accompaniment the idea of the stick-beating by the gins is most cleverly maintained; the Cooee is introduced with really a most pleasing effect, and the variety of harmonics which are ingrafted upon the paucity of melody, says very much for Mr.

Nathan's knowledge of the science. The introduction of these harmonics is certainly a liberty; but we cannot help forgiving it in our admiration of the beauty and cleverness of the composition. To the Editor of. Sir, - I am induced to trouble you with a letter, for the purpose of congratulating the inhabitants of Sydney on the very good Concert which was given last evening in the Hall of the College, by Mr.

Nathan and his talented family. The genuine Aboriginal "Koorinda Braia" was genuine no doubt, but it is to be doubted if the introduction of such sounds in a Concert Room be calculated to inspire a refined taste for music. Koorinda Braia was a fine specimen of good music, well performed. The solo part was by a young lady, whom we congratulate on her successful debut, and whom we hope to have frequent opportunities of hearing again.

Koorinda braia, an Aboriginal native song, put into rhythm, harmonised, and inscribed to Mrs. Deas Thomson, by I. Nathan, Sydney, The complete musical and linguistic content of the source song appears in the first 12 bars of the vocal line only below. This, if not the most elaborate, is, to our taste, the most interesting, of Mr. Nathan's colonial compositions, inasmuch as it is destined to be preserved as a memorial of ancient Australian melody after the race of ill fated aborigines shall have ceased for ever to sing and hold their corroborees on their invaded territories.

The melody is extremely simple, and is preserved with great propriety by the composer in its original state. The harmony is also simple, but it is that kind of simplicity in which the master hand appears to the greatest possible advantage. Before commencing the song, which is in common time, the natives, by striking two pieces of wood against each other, beat two or three bars of perfect measure in treble time.

Nathan has given a very good imitation for the piano of this kind of invocation as a prelude to the air, which he gives first as a solo, with varied accompaniments, and concludes the whole with a chorus for two trebles, two tenors, and bass, the stick beating process being again partially introduced in the accompaniment, as well as the singular Australian coo-ey, which, how-ever, Mr.

Nathan very properly states, has no relation to the melody, and is merely introduced ad libitum. The effect is certainly very curious. We would recommend the composer to have this interesting piece published in London, where it cannot fail to attract attention from the many who feel an interest in every thing tending to illustrate the manners and habits of savage tribes.

We wish we could add that we hope the publication will be appreciated in the colony as we are convinced it deserves to be. We have often heard of one man being infected with he Cacaethes Scribendi , and another with the Cacaethes Loquendi ; and we have known thousands infected with the Cacaethes Curpendi , but until lately we had never heard of any individual who had been infected with the " Cacaethes Kooi. Joking apart, we are happy to find this ingenious production introduced into the drawing room, and likely to become so general a favourite; it is no more than what we anticipated when we first heard it performed under the composer's own direction at the Sydney College, in June last; there was then but one opinion expressed in admiration of the singular and pleasing effect it produced upon the delighted audience.

Those who are capable of appreciating the beautiful richness of harmony which Nathan generally introduces into all his compositions, must admire to enthusiasm his ingenious mode of treating this simple Aboriginal Melody, which in common treatment, gives only for its bass the tonic and dominant.

Who but a true musical genius and theorist like our English composers could have repeated, as he has done, this short melody of only eight bars, seven times , and excite in the listener a desire to hear it again repeated seven times without dread of offending the ears by the least shadow of monotony?

With regard to the cooey so effectively introduced at the conclusion of the composition, we cannot pass a greater compliment on Nathan than quote what a contemporary has already said, that "when we first heard the cooey we thought it issued from some person lost in the Bush. Nathan, since his arrival amongst us, has earned "golden opinions of all sorts of men," and his endeavours to set to music the poetry of the highly gifted Mrs.

Dunlop, adds another laurel to the crown won by his meritorious adaptation of Byron's Hebrew melodies. Still, "Koorinda Braia" strikes us, with all its nativeness, as a hoax on that science which is a kin to mathematics; and if any one more gifted than another with the rudiments of Apollo's school can descry a refinement of harmony in the aforesaid "Koorinda Braia," we lay our judgment on the shelf. Published by the Composer, Ada Cottage, Prince-street.

The day being the sabbath of the Jews, and the next day being the sabbath of the Christians, their commemoration of the anniversary of the birth of the Queen, to whom they as a body are much indebted for the many privileges which they now enjoy, was postponed until Monday, when Mr. Joseph Levy, of the "Queen Victoria Inn," entertained at a dinner seventeen of the aborigines, men and women, the King and Queen of Berrima presiding in state on the occasion.

The toast was a sumptuous one. A sheep, with abundance of vegetables and bread, a plum pudding, diluted at intervals with potations of good porter, and the whole seasoned with a plentiful and generous supply of grog. After dinner, pipes and tobacco were handed round, and the male blacks having been supplied with musical instruments, consisting of bones from the slaughter-yard, the King commenced to sing, beating time on the table with his "truncheon;" the Queen followed his example; the rest all joined, keeping good time with their several instruments, and equally good time with their voices.

Koorinda Braia , and several national airs, were sung with much spirit. In the evening the merry dance was begun; they tripped it merrily, loudly and lustily, dancing the Emu and Kangaroo dances, and many others, with a good will, and such life and true animation, that the observer could at once pronounce that they enjoyed themselves without one shade of care or sorrow.

Nathan, [] :. AMONG the numerous ceremonies peculiar to the aborigines of this vast island, perhaps there are none more really imposing than that of the Kibbarah; and as it rarely falls to the lot of a white man to witness its orgies in detail, the following attempt at describing them the writer having been an eye-witness on more than one occasion may not prove uninteresting.

This final rite duly accomplished, a loud koo-ee rings out its warning note for the women to return to the encampment. Sufficient time having elapsed, the tribes follow, singing the "Koorinda-braia" the song of peace as they return in procession. Everything finished, they separate to their own respective encampments. The Koorinda-braia is a song of rejoicing, held in great estimation by the aborigines, and sung by them at their Corrobories and Kibbarahs; their mode of singing this and all their native strains, whether the subject be plaintive or cheerful is somewhat singular: the following description may not prove uninteresting.

It is perfectly ludicrous to see, as we have seen, one of these wild aboriginal music directors or time keepers, with all the grimace, gestures, and consequence of a connoisseur, stop his sablefaced singers, and compel them to re-commence their song-at the slightest innovation or defect of time, rhythm, or accent. Shortly after our arrival in Sydney, we published this Koorinda-braia.

Maneroo is by the aborigines pronounced "Minaroo" which signifies an open space or plain; hence the Maneroo tribe literally means the "Tribe of the Plains.

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Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders are respectfully advised that this page and links contain names, images, and voices of dead persons.

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